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A N
Hiftorical and Geographical
DESCRIPTION
FORMOSA,
An Ifland fubjefi: to the Emperor of Japan.
Giving an Account of
The Religion, Cuftoms, Manners, ^c. cf the
Inhabitants. Together with a Relation of what
happened to the Author in his Travels 5 particu-
larly his Conferences with the Jefuits, and others,
in feveral parts o^Ettrope, Aifo the Hirtory and
Reafons ofhis Converfion to Cluiftianity, with his
Obje6lions againft it ( in defence of Paganifm)
and their Anfwers.
To which is prefeM,
A PREFACE in Vindication of himfelf from the
Refle6tions of a jefuit lately come from Chinay with
an Account of whatpailed between them.
By GEoaoE Psalm anaazaar,
a Native of the faid Ifland, now in hondon.
The fecond Edition correfted, with many large and ufeful
Additions, particularly a new Preface dearly anfwering
every thiijg chat has been objefted againfl the Author and
the Pook,
liluftrated with feveral Cuts. To which are added, A Map,
and the Figure of an Idol nor in the former Edition.
Lmdm^ Printed for Mat. IVotton, Abel Roper and B. Lintott,
in FleetftreeP ; Fr, Coggan in the Inner-Temple-Lane]
Q, Strahan and W, DavH in CornhW^ 170$,
Price Six Shilling^,
6^^
/T\
^B^^iMJ^^Jf^
T O T H E
Right Honourable
AND ,
Right Reverend FatTier in GOD, -
H E N R Y,
By Divine Providence,
UBifhop of LONDON,
ANDONEOF
Her majesty's moft Honourable
Privy Cquncil,
I Know not, My Lord^ whetheir
what I now moft humbly dedicate
to Your Lordfliip, may merit Your
perufal, efpecially at this time^ when
Your Lordihip is bufied about Affairs
pf the greateft moment i But fince
ypur Noble Soul [ be it concern'd
A3 abouf
The Epiflle Dedicatory.
about Things never fo weighty and
intricate] muft be allow'd (ome Mi-
nutes to unbend, I fubmifliyely beg
You would plcafe to beftow fome of
them upon this Treatife , well-know-
ings if Your Lordlhip fmile upon it^
the V/orld cannot diflike it.
The Europeans have fuch obfcure
and various Notions of Japan ^ and
efpecially of our Ifland Formofa^
that they can believe nothing for
truth that has been faid of it. But
the prevailing Reafon for this my
Undertaking was, becaufe the Jefuits^
I found , had impos'd fo many Sto-
ries^ and fuch grofs Fallacies upon the
Publickj that they might the better
excufe themfelves from thofe bafe
Anions, which defervedly brought
upon them that fierce Perfecution in
Japan : I thought therefore it would
not be unacceptable if I publifh'd a
fliort Defcription of the Ifland For-
mofa^ and told the Reafons why this
wicked Society, and at laft all that
profefs'd
The Epiflle Dedicatory.
profefs'd Chriftianity, were^ with them^
expell'd that Country.
My Lordj
i look upon my felf as much obli-*
ged to Your LordHiip, as ever Man
was to his Patron , having cxperienc'd
Your Goodnefs ever fince I came into
England'^ I have therefore earnefrly
deflr'd by any honeft and humble
way^ to exprefs my Gratitude 5 but
tho* Your tranfcehdent Generofity^
and the meannefs of my Fortune and
Capacity, render it impofflble for me
to pay Your Lordfhip all thatRefpefi-,
and Acknowledgment which are due
for Yoiir Lordfliip's many and great
Favours ^ yer ilnce my prefent \^
fure and enjoyments are owing to Your
Munificence^ I moft v/il!inp;Iy lay hold
on this Occafion, and confccrdte the
Firft-fruits of fuch Bleiiings to the
Hand that beftow'd them upon m?^
hot in the leail doubting but Your
Lordihip^ according to Your wonted
A 3 Charity
The Epijlte Dedicatory.
Charity and Goodnefs, will vouch-
fafe to receive this little Book as a
thankful Teftimony how vaftly I am
indebted to You i and as fuch it is^
with all Humility and Veneration of-
fered by^
My LORD,
Tour Lordfhifs
Moji Grateful and
ObfequioHs Sewant^
George Psalmanaazaar,
THE
THE
PREFACE
WHen Ifrfl drrivd in England, eve-
ry one vpas curious to difcourfe me
about my oron Country 3 and for of*
much as my account of it was entirely nevp^
they thought it my duty to fuhtijh it 3 and I
readily comply d with their advice , both for
my own eafe and their fatisfa^ion. But when
I had met with fo many Romantic^ Stories of
all thofe remote Eajiern Countries^ efpecially of
my own^ which had been impos'd upon you as
undoubted Truths, and univerfally believdy
then I was much difcouragd from proceeding
in my Defcription of it ^ yet jince Truth oughp
to difpel thefe Clouds of fabulous Reports^ and
I could not efcape uncenfurd even by my felf
fijould I ( by my (ilence ) fnjfer you to remain
in ignorance^ or rather deceivd by mifrepre-
fentations^ 1 thought my felf indtfpenfabty o-
bligd to give you a more faithful Wjiory of the
Ifie of Formofa, than as yet yott have met
A 4 with.
The Preface.
1»itL But before I enter upon this Subje^y
'tis convenient I Jfjould premife fome few
things. Since then ( as I before obferved )
there are fuch various Accounts^ and all dif-
ferent from what I [hall give yon^ this is na
reafon for me to expeH greater Credit ^ hut 1
leave it to the unbiafs'd judge to prefer which
fie pleafeth 3 for 'tis not fo much my concern
to be reputed fincere^ as 'tis really to befo. But
here I muft entreat you diligently to obfervt
what followethy becaufe the reputation of my
Booh, depends much upon it. In thefirfl place
there are feveral things in their Story which
yoH are obligd to fnfpeBy becaufe they contra^
diB one another in thofe matters which every
Relator ajfures you he has been an Eye-witnefs
cfty pnce then their Tale is fo inconfijlent^
theH is very little in it that you ought to de^
pend upon. But that I may expofe fome of
their FalJIooods^ I wilt flrengthen what I af-
fert by the authority of fome Englifli Merchants
trading to China, whofe Relations are much
the fame with mine ^ but vajlly different from
theirs. As for example : Candidius, and o*
thers^ in their Account of Formofa, tell us^
there is neither Monarchical nor Democratical
Government in the Jfland 5 that there is no
Law nor Punijhment againjl Theft, Adultery^
or Murther, and fuch black, Crimes 5 but every
Man judgeth and revengeth in his own Cafe :
For injiancey if a Man rob me of a hundred
Ifiunds^ I may fieal from him as much by way
'of
The Preface.
dfreprifaL If a Man mnrthers me^ any of my
Family^ or Friends^ mdy^ by the murther of
bim^ revenge mine 3 and fo of Adultery^ &c^
They tell us farther^ that there is no Oeconomy
or Order amongfi the Natives^ that they are
even ftir angers to the dijiinSion of Mafier and
Servant 3 that neither Mines of Gold or «S/7-
ver are to he found there^ and that they have
vo Spices. In anfrver to which , let me tell
you^ that thofe Merchants I before-mentioned^
inform us^ that there is a Governour to whom
they paid large Cuftoms for every thing they
exported. If then there be a Governour^ cer-
tainly there muji be Laws^ let Candidius, and
others^ fay what they pleafe. That they have
Gold, Silver^ and Spices alfo^ is lil^ewife
provd by thofe Traders^ who have exported
vafi Sums of the one^ and large ^antities of
the other,
Reafon it felf is fufftcient to confute what
they fay of Anarchy in our IJland : For how
is itpojjible for any Kingdom tojiand^ if no
Law or Degrees of Dignity are obfervd .<? Or
how can a Community be prefervd^ if there
are no Venal Statutes to corre^ Offenders ^
In my Opinion^ if every one was left to re-
venge himfelf fuch a place muft be a conti-
nud Scene of Murther and Rapine 3 efpecially
fince the Formofans (as Candidius , and o-
thtrs would have you believe^ do not look,
upon thefe FaUs as monfirous Crimes^ but only
as little Trick^s and Peccadillo'/.
There
The Preface.
There are fome likevp'tfe that tell yoUy that
the JJland t?/Forniofa belongs to the Channof
China 5 bnt iffo^ why do the Chin^k pay fo
great Tribute to our Governour ? For the truth
of thk, I dare appeal even to the Dutch them-
felves^ who are competent judges in the Cafe^
ever fince the Rmperor of Japan has given
them leave to renew their Trade in Formo-
fa, after they had many Years been banifh'd
from thence ^ as you may fee in thefirJlBooky
Chap. 39. Of the Succefs of the Y^Mtoh in
Japan.
1. 1 could here alfo add much more^ which
for brevity-fake I omit : For 'tis convincing
enough to fay^ that he who fo grojly errs in
one particular^ m^y reafonably be thought an
unfaithful Relator of every thing elfe. But
tphether thefe rediculous Story-tellers above-*
mention d^ vend their Legends out of a de-
pgn^ or for want of a true knowledge of
Matter of FaS^ is not my Bufinefs now to
enquire.
2. The fecond thing I would have you take
notice of is^ That I pretend not to give you
a perfeS and complete Hijiory of my iJJandy
becaufe I was a meer Tonth when I left it ,
but nineteen Tears ofJ4>i and therefore unca-
pahle of giving an exaci Account of it : Be*
fides ^ I have now been fix Tears from homCy
fo many things of moment may perhaps flip
my memory^ which would have adorn d the
Defcription of my Country. But whatfoever I
can
The Preface.
caH recoiled^, I have freely publijlfd $ and 1
ajfnre you^ I have not pofitively ajjerted any
thing which is not as pojitively true^ hut if I
have faid what I did not b^now^ as a certain
truths asfuch I have admoniflid yon of it. I
have difchargd my Confcience^ receive it as
you pleafe 3 for Jin ce I have done my Duty^ I
Jhall no more he concern d about it.
5. In my Book I have told you the Reafonf
that movd my Countrymen to make fo great a,
flaughter of the Chrijiians 5 for the Jefuits then
made fuch weak Excufes for themjelves, that
fnany^ not without reafon^ believd they had
other defigns than what they pretended 5 J
thought it therefore proper to give you from the
Records and Tradition of my Country^ the beji
Account ofthefe matters I could. In vain the
Jefuits ajjlgn the Envy of our Pagan PrieJIs,
and the Emulation of the Dutch, as theCaufes
of this Perfecution, fuch things could never in-
duce us to treat fo cruelly all that profefs'd
Chrijiianity : Certainly there was a Snake in
the Grafs^ which they would not^ but I have
difcoverd, I am confident by my revealing
this, and much more, I fhall draw all the
Spite and Malice of the Jefuits upon me^ of
which I have already met with a notorious in-*
fiance in Father Fountenay, who is lately re*
turnd from China, having been eighteenTears
a Mijjionary there 5 this Man is fww (or was
within thefe few days) in London, and fome
Body had told him I was publifiing a Booky
in
The Preface.
in vphicb I fpeak much agawji the Romaii
Churchy and efpeciallj agawji ^J&e Jefuits : This
has fo enragd h\m^ that he endeavours by all
means imaginable to dejiroy my Credit^ as lam
daily informed by many Gentlemen 3 to whom
I only replied^ Let him alone^ lam little con^
tern d at what fuch a fufpicious Perfon fays
againjl me : The truth is, and will be, Ihope^
evident^ notwithjianding hk attempts tojiifle
it, fo I JImU apply the words of the Poet to
himy
l?arturiunt Montes, nafcetur ridiculus Mus^
7 have had three Conferences with him^
ispithout coming to any cenclufion 3 the fir fk was
before the Royal Society, on Wednefday the
fecond of this inftant February, when there
was a publicly Meeting of the illuftrious Mem-
bers of that celebrated Body : That he might
the more eafily defend himfelf he had notice
of my coming : After we had fainted each
other, we began our Difconrfci The fir ft que-
ftion proposed to him, tpas. To whom doth
the IJland of Formofa belong ? He pre-
fently reply d, it was tributary to the Ewperor
^/ China. Sowe of the Gentlemen asl(d him
how he knew it to be fo .<? He quickly anfwerd.
That a certain Englilh Shlp^ call'd the Har-^
wich, was by ft or my Weather forcd upon the
Jhore of Formofa 5 that five Jefuits were Paf
fengers in ity one of them was drown d, the
othef
The Preface.
dtherfour efcapd to the Ijland^ from whence
they fertt Letters to this Father Fountenay,
who then was in a certain City in China. ¥a^
ther Fountenay writes to the Chann^ or Em^
peror 5 the Chann fends a Letter to the For-
mofans, demanding fhem and the Ship x^ and
fo the Formofans were compelled to reflore
both them and the Ship, I anfwerd, That
this Jiory was nothing to thepurpofe^ forfince
we are not at Wars with the Chinefe, if any
of their Ships Jhould be driven on our CoaU^
and the Chann jhould reclaim them^ altho" we
live not in his Dominions^ we are in jujiice
obliged to reftore them : And thus I then an-*
fwerd his Story. But it appears fince by the
Teflimony of fever al Merchants^ that the afore^
mention d Ship was caii upon the Coasi ^/Chi-
na, and not of Formofa : Had I known as
much then^ I would before the illufirious Socie-
ty have dete&ed the Falfhood of the Jefuit 5
but mijirujiing he might be mijlal^en in the
name of the pi ace ^ and takj^ another Iflandfor
Formofa, / defer d him to tell me by what
name the Chinefe calVd Formofa 5 he an-
fwerdy That he knew no other name for it but
Formofa, or Tyowan 5 hut itj very plain^
not only from what I ( who ftiould knowi
beft ) ajfert^ but alfo from a certain Gentler
man who has been in Tyowan, that it is an
Ifland fomewhat remote and dijiant from ours,
and is now a Colony belonging to the before-
mention d Dutch. This indeed he confef/d
u
The Preface.
te was ignorant of. 1 told him farther^ That
the Chinefe call our Ijland by the name of
Pak-Ando, -which agrees vpith Gad-Avia, as
we call it^ both which fignijie the Ijland For-
mofa* Pak, Pak, fays he^ there is not fuch
a word in the whole Chinefe Language^ that
ends with a Confonant as Pak doth ^ which
is veryfalfe, for the name of almofl all their
great Cities end with a Confonant^ as Nan-
king, Kanton, Peking, &c. 2. When at my
dejire he difcoursd in the Chinefe Language^
^ear half his words terminated with Confo"
nants : This was fo plain aContradiSion^ that
all the Auditory obfervd it. At the fame meet^
ing alfo he denyd there was any variety of
Languages^ or Diale&s^ thro' the whole Em-r
fire of China, but that all the Natives fpoke
with one and the fame Tongue 5 which when it
teas demonfkrated to be falfe by many thenprer>
fenty he made no manner of reply y only nnrear
fonably and objlinately perfjled in affirming
mhat he before had faid. At lengthy that if
pojjible I might make the matter yet moreplain^
I told him^ Either what all the Jefuits^ and
others^ had written of the Chinefe Language^
fopas not true, or what he faid muji be falfe j
for they ajfure ns^ the Chinefe in every Pro--
vince fpeak various Dialers, f and they have
different Languages^ according to their Dc*
grees or ^ality 3 as for injiance^ the Noble^
^ Vid.^ Th^ Lord's Prayer in a hundred Languages,
mm
The Preface.
menffcak the Mandarin Language 5 the Bon^
zeeSy or Priejis^ ufe another for the Divine
Service, vohich is unintelligible to the Lay-
People 5 and the Plebeans a third ^ fo that J
told him, either they^ or he (pardon the ex-
prejjion) muji lye grofly: But he endeavour d
by impertinent Shifts to excuje himfelf He
denyd alfo, that the Chinefe had any Tone
in their Speech by mhich they dijiinguij/fd the
pgnification of a word : This Ili\emje affirmed
to be falfe : For I have, in Formofa, heard
many Chinck talking together^ but they feem^
ed to me rather tofing than dijcourfe ^ bejides,
this cmtradiUs what the Jefuits themfelvef
tell «j. At length, afierfo many inter ruptir
ens, we ended our Conference : Let the Reader
judge who had the better.
1 have fince had two Ajjignations to meet
ffin^i one at my Lady PowisV, another time
at Sion-College ^ but he fail* d to anfwer the
Appointment.
Eight days after j being Wcdni^fdsLy the
ninth ^/February, I din d with Dr, Sloane,
Secretary to the Royal Society 3 where werp
frefent the Right Honourable my Lord Pem-
broke 5 his Excellency, jB^r^» Spanhemius,
the King of PruffiaV Amb^ffador 5 another
Nobleman, and this FatherFountQnsiy :, whe»
he was askid by his Excellency^ to whom the
Jfland of Formofsi belong* d.^ He reply* d, Here
is a young Man (pointing to me) who is a Na-
tive of that Country, he catt better inform you
than
The Preface.
than J, vpho have only been in China. Ithm
anfwerd him^ that it did. belong to the Em-^
peror of Japan, We had nothing elfe remark^
able in this Conference 5 neither had he the
Ajfurance at this time to fay any thing more
to me : He wondred indeed to fee fne eat raw
Flefl) 5 becaufe^ fays Ae, the Ghinefe drefs
their Meat after the fame manner as the EU'*
ropeans, tho at the fame time he confefid
the Tartars differ d from them in their Cook-^
ery 3 for they only vparmd their Flefh before
they eat it.
A third time I met him in the Temple-G?^
fee-Houfe in Devereux-G?/^r^ in the Strand,
near Temple-Bar, where feveral Noblemen
Tppere prefent 5 and there he asl(d me the Man^
ner, Time^ and Reafons of my teavipj^ my
Country 5 and I rightly informed him : Neir
ther had he the face to raife any Obje&ions^^
unlefs that he never k^evp Father de Rhode,
who brought me out of my Country.
lam well inform d he takes a great deal of
freedom in ajperffng me 3 but I fhall return
bim no other anfwer than that of the Mendi^
sant Friar ^ to fome falfe Accufations againfi
him^ Mentitur impudentiflime. Bnt fure *tif
much more becoming a Man of Probity to Jpeal(
openly^ and face to face^ than thus clande^
Jiinely to backbite and calumniate. I have
Jufi touched upon this fuhjeS^ that you may
fee how much this Narrative will incenfe the
^'jefuits (tgainfl me 5 hut I truji that ^rovi^
denc§
The Preface.
dence which fo open has deliver d nte out of
their Hands^ will fruflrate all their Dejigns
and Contrivances^ that I may fay with the
Pfalmift, He (hall reward Evil unto mine
Enemies 5 deftroy thou them in thy truth,
PfaL 54. V. 5.
I fear this trifling Performance will not he
very acceptable to you^ becaufe *tis not fo ele-
gant and polite as you perhaps might wijh ^ I
was fenfible of my ovfn Wea\nefs and Incapa-
city for it, and therefore depend upon your
Goodnefs to pardon my Errors, and fnpply my
DefeSs ^ elegant Exprejjions^ and pomp of
Words, are not to be expeSled from a raw and
nnpolijh'd Japannefe. But fince I wrote thh
Treatife in Latin e, that it might be afterwards
turnd into Englifj ^ and obliged the Tranjla-
tors to make no Additions or Alterations , 'tis
mine, and not their faults, if you meet with
any Imperfe3ons in the fubfance of the Hi-
fiory.
T/r not my delight, but my grief, that I
am obliged to publiji) my Arguments againji
thofe Religions which 1 could not conform to,
becaufe fome perhaps will interpret what I have
faid to reflect upon them 5 but that was far
front my Intentions, who only defignd to give
you my Reafons why I could not fnhfvribe to
a them 1
T/;e Preface.
iherH ^ vphich if they pleafe not others^ jiet ihej
do abundantly fatisfie «/e, efpecUUy fince I as
yet was tinSurd with the prejudices of the Ido-
latry I was educated in. Far he it from mQ
to condemn any Man 5 hut as If aid before^
I only acquaint yon^ that thefe things were
offenfive to me , which perhaps are not fo to
others.
Now to the Omnipotent and All-wife GOD^
I return my mofi humble Thanl^s^ who by the
ajpflance of hk Holy Spirit^ has brought me
to the knowledge of that Religion in which,
only Salvation is to he founds and to tha%
Chrijiian Commuion which is mo(l conforma-
ble to the Inflitutions of our Saviour : 7>
whom he all Honour and Praife now and for
ever. Amen.
london, Feb. 25,
THE
Tir-
THE
Second PREFACE,
THE firft Edition of this Book was
quickly fold off, and there being a
demand for more, the Bookfellers
confulted me about reprinting it, defiring I
would recolleft my felf, add what I thought
fit, and anfwer thofe Objections which the
unmerciful Criticks have rais'd againft me
and the Book. No wonder the Bookfellers
endeavour to remove all things that may
hinder the fale of the Book ^ but for ray
own part, I am fo fecure in my Integrity,
that the little Cavils of thefe difingenuous
and inhofpitable Men do not move me 5
however, the importunities of others have
prevaird, and I (hall proceed to fatislie thofe
fcrupulous Gentlemen.
It does not feem ftrange to me that Men
(hould fufpeft the firft Accounts of any re-
mote places 3 for I do not imagine upon
my return to Formofay that even my ov/n
a 2 Countrymen
The ScQoiid Preface.
Countrymen will readily' believe my De-
fcription o^Ef7gUfjd and dtTier parts oi Eu-
rope, But, had not experience convinced
nie, I could never have thougjit that the
cenforious People here would have err'd fo
abfurdly, as to take me rather for one of
their Neighbours, than for what I really
am, a Japa^^/efe, born in Formofa, an Ifland
many choufand Leagues dirtant from this
of Great Britain, Snppofe an EngUJIman
was in Amfterdam^ and the Dutch there
ftiould fay he was an Indian^ how ridicu-
lous would that aflertion feera to him > He
would anfwer only with fcorn and con-
tempt : Juft fo it is with me, who did not
flir out of my Native Country Farmofa till
I was nineteen Years of Age^ and furely I
cannot but fmile at thofe People who would
perfuade me that I was born in Europe,
Thefe unreafonable Scepticks tell you,
there are Stories in my Book w^hich they
cannot believe, and therefore conclude me
to be an Impoftor 5 but methinks any con-
fequence is more natural than this 5 for fup-
poling that I have (tho' I ailure you, i
have "not) ventura too far upon my me-
mory, and written fbme Romantick Tales,
yet thefe wild cone! ufion- makers may as
well fay that fomc of your Engl /JIj Writers
were born in Japan, as deny me ray Birth-
right, for tliere are nx)re miftakes and blun-
ders to be found in your own Hijhrians,
than
The Second Preface.
than can ever be met with in my Defcrip-
tion, &c. of my Native Country Formofa,
But here I beg leave to give a very (hort
account of this Iccond Edition, and then I
(hall go on to Anfwer the Objeftions, tho'
not methodically, according to the thread
of the Difcourfe, but as they have occafi-
onally come to my knowledge. The firO:
Edition of this Book vi^as, I confefs, imper-
feft, and wanted many curious and valua-
ble Things, which long thinking, and the
variety of queftions fince ask'd me, have at
laft brought frefti into my memory 3 the
Bookfellers found it imprafticable to print
thefe new matters by way of Appendix,
and fo there w^as a neceflity to infcrt them
in their proper places in this fecond Edir
tion. Many improprieties, vain repetitions,
and indeed miftakesof one of the Tranfla-
tors of the former Edition, are left out, or
corce&ed in this ^ and I muft acknowledge,
that the Gentleman who revised this, has
mended the Language, not err'd a tittle
from the Original, but to my great fatis-
faftion has fully exprefs'd my meaning, fo
that I can now fay with PiUte, What I have
vpritten^ I^ have vpritten.
But the Reader I believe will agree witl^
me. That it is more proper to anfwer the
Objeftions here, and reter to the page of
the Book to which they belong, than to put
tbem in rhe body of the Book, and fo be
^ 3 s^^'^^y
77?^ Second Preface.
guilty of too long digreffions. I (hall paft
over many little Arguments of my trifling
Opponents, well knowing that Men of
common Candour will rejeft them where-
foever they meet them 5 and therefore
I (ball only reply to Objeftions of the
firft Magnitude, and in which my Enemies
feem to rejoyce and triumph ^ and how
well I have perform'd this, let the World
judge.
I OhjeSl. Pfalmanaazadr fays (p. 170.)
that he was but nineteen Years of Age when
he left Formofa^ and that he has been about
(ix Years in Europe. Is it not ftrange that
he fhould fo early be acquainted with the
Cuftoms and Manners of his Country ? Or
that he fhould give us fo handfom a De-
fcription of it, after fo long an abfence.
1 Anfwer, This Objeftion proceeds from
an Opinion that we Indians are Men of ve-
ry poor intellefts^ for you would (on the
other hand ) wonder here if a young Gen-
tleman, who has been moft generoufly edu-
cated, could not give a better account of
England than I have done of For/^ofa, tho'
I ailure you I had the beft Education my
Country afforded 5 but I find you think eve-
ry thing that has the Iea(t appearance of
ingenuity to tranfcend the capacity of an
Indian,
2 Anfvp, [f you imagine it to be impo(ri-
We that I fhould be fo well acquainted with
my
The Second Preface.
my Country at thofe Years, or if I had,
that I could not fo long carry a Scheme of
it in my Head, you do me more Honour
than you are aware of, for then youmuft
think that I forg'd the whole Story out of
my own Brain 5 and if fo, I am fure you
extravagantly magnifie the fertility of my
Invention, and the ftrength of my Memo-
ry ^ for he muft be a Man of prodigious
parts, who can invent the Defcription of a
Country, contrive a Religion, frame Laws
and Cuftoms, make a Language, and Let*
ters, &c. and thefe different from all other
parts of the World 5 he muft have alfo
more than a humane Memory that is al-
ways ready to vindicate fo many fdgn'd
particulars, and that without ever fo much
as once contradifting himfelf. This (Rea*
der) is my cafe. And hence the vanity of
that Englijh Gentleman, who would needs
perfuade me I was his Countryman, is ve-
ry plain, for fince he took it for a For**
gery, he mufl: conclude that no body had
Wit or Judgment enough for fuch a con-
trivance but a true born ^tjglijJmian.
3 Anfvp, But ^(^'/y, I don't fee the reafon
why a young Gentleman, who has all the
advantages of Education, fhould not be
able at nineteen Years of Age to give a to-
lerable Defcription of his Country. Firjl^ \
am fure the Climate, Diraenfion, Produa:,c^r,
pf forn^fa may eafily be known, 3<^//j A^
a 4 to
The Second Preface.
to our Religion, I confefs my account of
it to be imperfefl: , for 1 was not bred a-
mongft Ecclefiaftical Polititians. :^dly. As
to our Government and Laws, I had all
the reafon in the World to be well ac-
quainted with them, for I was born under
luch circumftances as obliged me thorowly
to underftand the Fundamentals of our Con-
ftitution. 4?^//, As to the Habits, Cities,
Palaces, Houfes, &c. a Man of an indif-
ferent memory, who has but once feen
them, may eafily retain an Idea of them.
^thly. As the Son of fuch a Father, I was
engag d to obferve the Manners and Cu-
ftoms of the People. So that all Perfons of
my Condition muft be very ftupid if they
cannot fay as much of their own Countries
as I have done of mine.
4 A^fvp. Lafcly, I acknowledge that I have
a treacherous memory, and (hould have for-
gotten many things, had 1 not been daily
quefriond about them, but now tbefe fre-
quent interrogatories have fo deeply im-
printed them in my mind that they can
never be blotted out. Fid, firfl: Preface.
2 Ohjeuf. He tells us, that lie was learn-
ing Greek vvhen his Father took de Rode
into his Houfe, and that the Greek Books
were then thrown afide, becaufe he could
at any time learn that Language of their
own Priefts^ but we are at a lofs to
know how the Japa^iT^efe or Formofans
cams
The Second Preface.
came to be fuch Matters of Greek ? Vid.
p. 175.
1 Anfop, This Objeftion is in a great
meafure anfwered already, Vid, p. 142*
However give me leave to add, that
you may as well ask me how iormofa
came firft to be inhabited, and, becaufe
1 cannot tell you, conclude there is not a
Man upon the Ifland. Yet ( that I may
fay fomething on this Head) it is pro-
bable the Romljh Mijjionaries firft brought
Greek amongft us, becaufe we do not in our
ancient Writings find any Charafter of it,
but the Books of our modern Priefts and
Philofophers are garniih*d with Greek Sen--
tences and Quotations.
2 Artfw. In Holland^ and other places, I
met with this Objeftion, and therefore
would not have mention'd it iri England,
were it not an undoubted truth 5 but if any
one will obftinately deny it, the bed advice
I can give him is, to go to Formofa, and,
if he can, confute me.
5 ObjeS, How could he get out of F^r-
mcfa ? And how came the Mariners to ven-
ture to carry him to Lnconia^ fince he fays
(p. 180.) that the Emperor has forbidden
any of his Subjeds to leave his Dominions,
without Licenfe under his Seal ?
I Anfw. I heartily wi(h this Objeftion
had never been made, becaufe it will force
me in fome meafure to difcover my Father s
Quality,
The Second Preface,
Quality, which I have hitherto induftri-
oudy conceard : Yet I muft tell thefe qua-
relfome People, that this Law doth not
reach Kings, Vice-Roys, Princes, Cover-
nours, Generals, or other wealthy Men,
whofe Eftates and Riches are fufficient cau-
tion againft their leaving their Native
Country 5 and my Father being under one
of thefe Predicaments, and I his lawful
Heir, I had no great reafon to doubt a free
paffage to the Philippine Iflands, for I had
more caufe to be afraid of my Father's dif-
pleafure than the Emperor's,
2 Anfvp. When fuch a young fellow as I
gets a freak in his Head, he (eldom confix
ders the confequence : Befides, (hould the
Emperor take offence at my rambling, I
queftion not but my Father is able and wiU
ling to obtain my pardon.
3 Anfa>. The Mariners knew me ^ and
when I told him that I had bufinefs of
the greateft confequence to do for my Fa-
ther, they were well affur'd their Heads
muft have paid foft, had their refufal pre-
judiced his Affairs.
^Anfro. Servants with us are rather
commended than punifh'd for obeying their
Mafters, tho' in Crimes againft the State 5
and therefore the Steerfman and Mariners
ran very little or no hazard by carrying me
to Lnconi^.
4 Oh}e^.
The Second Preface.
4 Ohje^. Were thefe Mariners ever fo far
at Sea before ? If not, it's probable they did
not underftand Navigation well enough to
carry him a hundred Leagues, p. i8i.
1 Arffvp. Our Mariners I confefs are not
well skird in Navigation, and it's probable
my Father's Servants had never before beea
at the Philifpwe Iflands 5 yet they are ne-
ver without Chinefe Maps, which tho' not
fo ufeful as what I have feen in Europe^ are
fufficient to direft us to our neighbouring
Coafts.
2 A^fw. As from Formofa to Japan^ fo
from Formofa to Luconia abundance of lit-
tle Iflands lie in a direft line, and that VW
lot muft be mad, who in fair Weather mi-
ftakes fo ftreight a Courfe 5 befides, they
may guide themfelves by other Obfervations
that 1 am ignorant of
5 OhjeS. Luconia belongs to the King of
Spain '^ and will the Spanifh Papijis there
fuffer a Pagan Veflel from Formofa or Japan
to enter their Harbours ?
Anfiv. Father de Rode had no reafon to
be affraid, becaufe he knew he was going
amongft his Friends 3 and truly he had gi-
ven me fuch an honourable Charafter of the
Croffmen (vid, p. 177.) that I apprehend-
ed no danger 3 and farther, I believe he had
informed them fome way or other of his
coming 5 for he has faid he kept correfpon-
dence with moft of the Papifts in the Eaft.
6 ObjeCf.
'The Second Preface.
6 Object, What can be the meaning of
his failing from Goa to Gibr alter ^ The fir ft
belongs to the King o( Portugal, and the
other to the King ofSpaiff-^ and there is
no Commerce between thefe two places ?
Fid. p. 182.
1 A/ifw. Altho' thefe places are fubjeft
to different Princes, yet I think it does not
follow that Ships from Goa may not touch
ajt Gibraltery efpecially in times of Peace.
2 Arifjp. Father Fountemj, who under-
ftands thefe things as well as any Travel-
ler, in the third Conference I had with
him (juft mention'd in the firft Preface)
ask'd me which way I came into Europe^ I
anfwer'd from Goa to Gibr alter -^ fome Genr
tlemen then prefent, reply 'd, that there ne-
ver was any Communication between thefe
two places 5 but that Jefuit afliir'd them it
was matter of faft 5 which I wondered at,
for I expe&ed he would rather aflert 4 falQ-^
ty, than confirm any thing I had faid.
3 Anfvp. You miftake if you think the
Ship delivered her Cargo at Gibraltery for
(he was bound to another Port (Fid. p. 182.)
whofe name I never knew, or have forgot-
ten : But I am apt to believe (he defign d for
Lisbon ^ and the Jefuits of Goa, by their
great credit had prevailed upon the Captain
to put de Rhode and I on fhore at Gibralter^
from whence we might have an eafie pafTage
to Thouloft^ and fo to Avignon.
7 Ohje&.
The Second Preface.
7 Objeli. Can it be thought that he
ftiould make fo long a Voyage, and not
know the Captain's name, nor whether the
Ship was SpaniJ/j or Portugueze .<?
1 A^fw. I never expected to be called to
an account for fuch trifles, otherwife I would
have noted down every thing I had feen
and heard, for nothing lefs I find will fa-
tisfie thele carping Criticks. Could I ima-
gine the Europeans would deny my Birth ?
Or could I think them fo abfur'd as to take
me for one of their Couiitrymen rather than
a Formofan .<? I never looked for fuch rude
and difingenuous treatment from a People
my Tutor had fo much commended, and
therefore I never enquired after fuch little
matters as what the Ship was, or the Com-
mander's name.
2 Arjfjv, I then thought that Europe had
been but one large Empire, like China or Ja-
pan^2iX\(\ th^t Spain ^Frar/ce^England^&CC, were
Provinces fubjeft to one Emperor. Befides,
I did not dream that Ships were diftin-
guifb'd by proper names ^ and farther, I
underftood not a word the Captain and his
Crew fpoke, fo that my Converfation was
only with my Tutor who kept qie in igno-
rance 5 laftly, during the whole Voyage f
was indifpos'd, and did not concern my
felf for any thing, but entirely rely'd upon
my Tutor, who provided all NecelTaries for
nic. And now let any impartial Man con-
fider
T*he Second Preface.
fider all thefe circumftances, and fuppofe
bimfelf in my place, and then let him tell
me whether ihefe Objeftors are not Egyptian
Task-makers ?
8 ObjcS. He was about fix Weeks in Goa
(p. i8i.) and five in Gihralter (p. 182.)
and yet when he came to Thoulon (p.182,
183.) he admired the odd Habits of the
Monks ^ this is unaccountable, for both the
former places are ftock'd with Monks of all
forts.
lAnfw. This may be true, and yet it
may be eafily fuppos*d that I did not fee
any of them 5 for I was too much indif-
pos*d (p. 182.) ^t Gihralter to walkabout
and make Obfervations 5 and at Goa the
Jefuits fo nobly entertain d me (p. 181.)
in their Monaftery, that Ivery feldom went
abroad 5 how then can it be conceived that
in either of thefe places I fhould fee and
diftingui(h the great variety of Ecclefiafti-
cal Perfons ? I now find there are fo many
different Orders of Monksr in the Popifti
Church, that during my five Weeks ftay,
even at Rome it felf ( p. 190.) I did hot fee
one third of them. At Goa 1 remember I
faw Jefuits^ Dominicans^ and (I think)
Francifcansy but I am confident till I came
to Thoulon I never met with Capottchins and
reformed Anguftins 5 and it was the Habit
of thefe two Orders that I fo much won-
der'd at.
9 Ohjea.
The Second Preface.
9 Oije^^ How came this young P^4;s? by
foch valid Arguments againft Tranfubftmti-
afiouy Confiibjiamiation^ and abfoluts Prede-
fiinatiQn ^ (p. 185, 20t, 202, 209, 205.)
Is it not reafonable to think that he copy'd
them from fome of our beftCafuifts and po-
lemical Divines?
1 Afifv0. This Objedlion, like the firft,
proceeds from the too mean opinion you
have of the Intellefts of us Indians 5 for
certainly the firft framers of all Arguments
had little other helps than the ftrength of
their own difcerning Underftandings 5 there-
fore if you will but allow the natural Fa-
culties oi Indians and Europeans to be equal,
you muft allow them equally able to draw
natural conclufions.
2 Anfvp. The Arguments 1 brought againft
Confuhjiantiation and abfolnte Predejiination
I learned from the contending Parties, as
you may fee p. 201, 205. All that I have
faid againft Tranfubjlantiation^ my reafoa
fuggefted to me, one Argument only ex-
cepted, which by occafional difcourfe I af-
terwards met with, and becaufe of its force
was unwilling to omit it. The Tranflator
finding the fubftance of the Arguments the
fame with the Great Tillotfon and Others,
may, for ought I know, make ufe of their
words to fave himfelf fome trouble : But
any one who doubts, (hall have the fatis-
faftion of feeing my Latin Original.
10 OhjcS.
The Second Preface.
toOhjeS. He tells us (p. 195.) That the
Jefuits of Avignon (hew'd him Letter^ frofu
the Inquijitors^ exprejly ordering him to he
put in the Inqnifition^ unlefs he emhracd the
Chrijlian Religion in ten or fifteen days. We
never heard till now that the Inquifition
concerned it felf about Pagans 5 befides he
was a ftranger, and did notdefire to ftayat
Abignon^ therefore all the power the In-
quifition had over him, was only to expel
him that Country, who it feems was al-
ready very v^illing to leave it.
Anjvp. I have fa id (p. 193.) thatlknew
not whether thefe Letters were forg*d or
real. But the Pope who made the Inquifi-
tion, could eafily have fo interpreted the
Laws of it, that I might have been a Suf-
ferer ^ and I do not queftioa had the Je-
fuits folicited the Pope in this cafe, but he
would have given pofitive Orders to im-
prifon and punifh me till I (hould declare
my felf their Convert. If thefe Letters were
forg d, then it's plain they did it to frigh-
ten me into a compliance 5 and this I be-
lieve was the truth of the matter 3 for there
is no Man who is acquainted with the
tricks of that wicked Society, but knows
they will ftoop to bafer (hifts to gain their
ends.
II Ohjeci. Why was he fo fool-hardy as
to own himfelf a Pagan at Andemach^ who
already had fuffcred fo much for his Reli-
gion? p. 198. Anfiv.
The Second Preface.
Anfvp. I perceived the People of Andet-
nach to be generally Papifts, but I very well
knew the Inquifition had no power there,
and therefore 1 thought I had nothing to
fear, idly^ I was forced to ferve as a Sol-
dier, and at firft had very little profpedt of
a difcharge ^ 1 was no Occafional Confor-
mift, I could not long conceal my Religion,
and fo I thought it beft to acknowledge
wlio and what I was. '^^dly ^ When ray
Captain ask'd my name, that I might be
enter'd in the Mufter Roll, he took me for
a Jew , but when I told him I was not, he
reply'd, *' You need not be afraid to tell
'* your Religion, for be it what it will, you
** (hall always have the free exercife of it 5
" for here we tolerate allgReligions, efpe-
"^^ cially in times of War. This kind an-
fwer encouraged me to acquaint him v;itU
all my circumftances.
12 Ohj^B, Since he difcoveredhimfelf fo
iKQ^Vj 2X Andernach^ Bann^ Cologne^ 8cc. how
comes it to pafs that the Jefuits (who hold
correfpondence every where ) did not take
care to feize him and fend him back to their
Brethren at Avignon ?
I Anfw. Tis probable the Jefuits may
have an univerfal correfpondence, and that
Father de Rhode did write and fearch after
me in all places where he had reafon to
think I was gone 5 but fore he did not
dream of my being 2iiBonn or Cologn, for I
b found
'the Second Preface.
found the Jefuits there had never heard of
me.
2 Anfrv. But fuppofing they had been
prcacquainted with the whole Story, what
Gould they do to me ? I was now in ano-
ther Country, and here they could not ar-
reft me for Crimes committed 2it Avigtjon.
2dly, As I have faid before, all Religions
are here tolerated. 3^//, And confequent-
ly no Inquifition ^ and what reafon then
had I to fear the Jefuits, or any one what-
foever.
13 Obje,S. Doth not his account of jK7r-
mofi differ from all others ? And doth not
this render it falfe, or ( to fpeak favoura-
bly) not much to be depended on ? He
fays ( p. 2.) Formofa is 200 Leagues diftant
ixomjapan^ others that it is 140, 150, or
160. He tells us 'tis about 60 Leagues di-
ftant from China^ others affjre us 'tis but
14, fome fay 2c, fome 30 or 35. From
LttconU he fays 'tis too Leagues, others,
are pofitive 'tis but 50, fome 60, and o-
thers 80.
1 A77fTv. Thefe People who contradia me
differ among themfelves, and methinks that,
fiiould render their Accounts at leaft as fu-
fpicious as mine.
2 Afjfvp. I was not skill'd in Longitudes
and Latitudes when I left Formofa 5 neither
will I be pofitive that my Account of its
diftance from Japm^ Sec, is exaftly true : I
may
The Second Preface.
may be fomething miftaken. For I never
was out oiFormofa till I came with de Rhode,
fo what I have aflerted is by hearfay, from
my own Countrymen who have been Tra-
vellers. J';'^^'
2 Anfvp. The Europeans themfelves are
fometimes out in their Computations 5 no
wonder then that my Coimtrymen, wfio
are far the worft Geographers, are often mi-
ftaken. ■' ,'^^ . ' ^.v\
3 Anfrv. Suppofe Iftiordldfask ten Eriglrm^
men, how many Miles to France or Hol-^
land^ Some would fay more, fome lefs-
fo no doubt but many of my Countrymen
will fay the diftance is greater or lefs thaii
I have aflerted.
4 i4^7/n?. Let the Reader cohfider, that as
the Englifh Miles differ from the German, Itai
lian, i&c. So it's no wonder that oui Bail{!os^
or Leagues differ from yours. I take a Baikfi^
to be about a Mile and a half Englifh (more
or lefs, as you fay here.) We reckon For-'
mofa, to be 400 Bail{hs irom Japan, which
from the be(i computation I could make, is
600 Englifh Miles: But if you reckon aj'
Baikh to be but one of your Miles, then t
find your Geographers and I agree pretty
well. So that the difficulty lies in tclljng
in Engliiii exactly how much a Bail{/j is,
which ! muft confefs is too hard for me to
demonftrate.
b 2 id^Ohje^I.
Tbc Second Preface.
t4 ObjclJ. But his Hiftorical Defcription
oi Form of a differs yet more from what all
others have told us than his Geographical 3
furely then that muft be falfe that has fo •
many witneHes agaiuft it.
I Anfw. Many candid Gentlemen have
obferved that this ObjecTtion rather confirms
than difcredits the Account I have given.
For if any European has a mind to banter
the World, and fet up for a Formofan or a
Chi»efe, his beft way certainly is to read
Cattdidius and Others, and frame his Tale
fo that he may not be contradifted by the
Romantick Authors that have already writ-
ten of thefe Countries. Cafid'idins (as I
have told you in the firft Preface) and
others, fay, That we have no Governour,
no Laws, &c. Why then (hould laffertire
have^ andcontradid them almoft in every
thing they fay ? Thefe Men allure you alfo
that we are meer ftrangers to Letters 5 Why
then (hould 1 be fuch a Fool to invent an
Alphabet, and a Language, purpofely to
lefien my own Credit ? Do but confider
(tho* you are too jealous and cenforious)
how eafily you may be impos'd on ^ for had
a Portugueze, a Spaniard, or any fwarthy
complexion'd Man (as you fnppofe a For-
mofaii to be) who had read the Authors
that treat of my Country, come into Eng-
land before ms, and had told his Story a-
greeable to what had before been falfly
publirtfd,
The Second Preface.
publifh'd, you certainly would have be-
lieved him to be what he pretended ^ aqd
yet you fcruple to credit me, a Native of
the place, and who have told you nothing
but truth.
2 Afffw. I have cited fome of the many
abfurdities found in thefe Authors, and I
appeal to any impartial Man, whether my
reputation ought to ftand or fall by their
authority.
3 Af7fw. It is very material to remember
how thefe Authors, as well as Father Fofm-
Unay^ make no difference between FormoftL
and Tyowan , tho* thefe Iflands are about
12 Miles diftant from each other, and iii-^
deed the latter is rather a knot of three lit-
tle Iflands. The Dutch ^ in the Account
rhey give us of their Settlements in the Ea-
ftern Countries, tell us that they came tQ
our Ifland Formofa, much about the famo
time I have mentioned (vid. p. 4. ) and af-
terwards they fay, " The Chimfe came to
" Formofa^ and fufpefting that the Natives
*^ and the Dutch were confpiring againft
" them, they banifh'd the Dutch out of
" that Ifland, from whence they went and
" fettled in Tjowan^ where they bull: feve-
" ral Forts. Now I tell you (Chnp. iL )
*' That whilft the Dntch had Settlement?
" amongft us, the Chi?fefe came with a de-
*•'• fign to conquer our Ifland ^ this obliged
*' us to call the Dutch to affift us^ but in-
b 3 *' ftead -
The Secmd Preface.
" ftead of that they proved falfe^ however
%ye fought with fo much Courage againft
*Cboth, that at laft v/e cut molt of the
**^ Dntch to pieces, and clear a the Ifland of
" the Chwefe, the remaining Dutch were
'' bani(h*d. The whole difference confifts
in this, We charge the Dutch with un-
grateful Treachery, and they excufe them-
felves as handfomly as they can. I rauft
not omit taking notice how the Dutch con-
tradiQ: themfelves, for whereas they fay
they fettled in Tyowan after they were dri-
ven out of For mo fa ^ yet in the laft Colle-
ction of Travels ( 4 Vol. in Folio ) they
make thefc two Iflands one and the fame.
As for example, VVe camz ( fay they ) from,
the Philippine Jjlunds to Tyowan 5 and a
little afterwards, From Formofa we returned
to the Philippines 5 and fo in twenty other
places you may there fee the like confufion
of names. This obfervation was made by a
worthy Friend, who has read all Authors
that make any mention oi Formofa purpofe-
ly to difcourfe me about it 5 but when he
found the Dutch guilty of fuch a contra-
di&ion, he communicated it to me, that
I might ufe it in my own defence.
4 Anfw. Suppofe thefe Geographers and
Hiftorians in the right, and that lyowan
and Formofd are only different Names for
the fame Ifland 5 yet then the worft that
can be proved againft me is, that I have
niiftaken
The Second Preface.
maftaken the European name for my Coun«
try 5 and truly I muft confefs I cannot tell
whecher I have or no, for I am not fure I
was born in that Ifland you call Formofa^
that name was unknown to me till I came
into Europe : We call it Gad Avia, the Chi-
f^efc^ Pac Ando^ and yoMlnfitla Formofd^ all
which figniSes the fame : My quondamTu^
tor Father de RhodeiaRut'd meit was fo, and
be without queftion is well acquainted with'
thefe matters ^ in Avignon I remember more
People call'd me the Formofm than the^^-
pannefe 5 but if you will difpute this mat^
ter farther, I know not how to give you
clearer fatisfaftion till I return to my na-
tive Country.
15 ObjcS. How came it to be difcoverd"
that Meryaandamo murther'd the Emperor
Chazadjm^ fince no body knev/ it but him-
felf > p. 8.
Anfw, My bufinefs Was only to tell you
by what fteps Meryaandanoo came to be
Emperor, and how he by furprife made
himfelf Mafter of our Ifland 5 I did not in^
tend to write his Life 5 however, to fatis-
fie thefe little Objeftors, I (hall inform
them hew he at laftconfefs'd himfelf tobp
the Murtherer. In or about the 15th Year
of his Reign, his Sons broke out into open
Rebellion, and at laft he was dethroned ancj
confined in the Dairo's Palace, where hj^
troubles threw him into a dangerqiis Di°
l) 4 ^ fc^fei
T^he Second Preface.
feafe^ then he earneftly de(ir*d to be vifi-
ted by all the Kings, Vice-Roys, and Princes
of the Empire ^ accordingly they all came
fromTe^^ (where,as it happen d, they were
all at that time confulting about anewEle-
€kion) to Meaco, and then he confefled him-
felf to be the Murtherer 5 and that he had
been too prophane, making a jeft of all
Religion, for which the Gods had juftly
fuffered him to fall under thefe Calamities,
and now, fays he, I am not, I acknowledge,
worthy to live ^ fo he drank a CofFee-difti
full of Poifon, and dy'd in the prefence of
them all.
iSObjeS. But this tragical Story of Me-
ryaandamo is fo full of wonders, that it
fcarce can be credited.
Ar7fvp. This is fuch a filly Objeftion, that
I (hould not have taken notice of it, had
it not given me a fair opportunity of put-
ting the People of this Kingdom in mind
of a far more wonderful Trajedy 5 I mean
their falfly accufing, condemning, and at
laft contrary, direftly contrary to their na-
tural and fworn Allegiance, murthering
King Charles the Firft before his own Pa-
lace. So that if the tragical and wonder-
ful Circumftances in the ftory of M^r^^^^-
danoo be Arguments againft the truth of it,
certainly after- Ages, and far diftant Coun-
tries, will never believe the moft unreafon-
able Murther of King Charks the Firft.
The Second Preface.
17 ObjeH. Is it pofSble that any People
(hould be fo barbaroufly fuperftitious as to
facrifice fo many thoufand Children every
Year ? p. 23, 31.
1 Af/fw. To incredulous ill-natural Peo-
ple this may feem impoffible ^ but had I
never heard of fuch a Cuftom till fome
honeft Man had affur*d me 'twas the year-
ly praftice of this or that Nation, I proteft
I (hould not have much fcrupled to believe
it. For certainly where the People have
not the bleffing of reveal'd Religion, but
are left to their own corrupted Wills and
Ignorance, or, which is worfe, are impli*
citly led by defigning Pagan Priefts, there
is no Crime fo black but thefe Wretches
may be drawn in to commit, and nothing
fo inhumane but they may be perfuaded to
put in praftice,
2 Ak/tv. Hiftories Sacred and Prophane
can furnifh us with many Examples of this
nature 5 but I (hall content my felf with
what follows 5 The Prophet Jerewiah fays.
Chap. vii. z;. 51. A^id they have built the
high places ofTophety 8cc. to burn their Sons
and their Daughters in the Fire^ &C. See al-
fo the A&s of the Apojlles^ Chap. vii. v. 45.
LaSantius de falfa Religione, Seft. 21. Plw
tarch, Gejl, Rowan, 83 qu^fi. Eufeb. lib. 4.
cap. 16. Levitic. Chap. 18. v, 21. And thou
fialt not let any of thy Secdpafs through the
fire to Moloch, dv. ' Since then this barba-
rous
The Second Preface.
rous Cuftom was common in the moft
learned and polite Nations, why fhould it
feem incredible that my Countrymen, who
are deftitute of Pvevelation, and are the ve-
ry Slaves of Prieftcraft, (hould offer yearly
fo many thoufand humane Sacrifices ?
i8 Objeli. If the Formofans had any fuch
barbarous Cuftom, furely Candidius would
have told us -of it?
Anfw. I think I have already in ray firft
Preface and elfewhere faid enough to deted
the forgeries oi Candidius, But let us com-
pare another cruel Cuftom which he falfly
fathers upon my Country, with this of fa-
crificing Children, and I dare fay his will be
' found more barbarous and improbable ^ and
yet his Lyes are received as Truths, and my
Truths rejefted by fome difingenuous People
as Forgeries. ^' Whenfoever (faysQW/W^
"* us) a Woman under the Age of 57 finds
"•' her felf with Child, (he muft fend for one
^* of the Priefteffes (Men he fays have no
" (hare in divine Offices) who lays thebreed-
" ing Woman upon the skins of wild. Beafts,
""^ and then jumps and dances upon her
'' Belly till Ihe mifcarrieth. in the Year
'' 1628. (he fays) one of my Country wo-
'' men told him that (he had been lO ferv'd
" fixteen times, but that ilie was then big
" of her 17th Child, and fne hoped (lie
" fhould go out her time, for (lie Wc^s now
'' in the 38th Year of her Ag^, Nov/ I
appeal
The Second Preface.
appeal to all Mankind, if this be not a
more barbarous Cuftom than what I affirm
of the humane Sacrifices, and certainly more
prejudicial to a Commonwealth. ForG;^-
didius himfelf fays that many Mothers dye
by this wicked pradice 5 which in a few
Years is enough to depopulate a very large
Nation , efpecially confidering that in hot
Countries Women begin very foon to bear
Children, but rarely are pregnant in their
declining Age 5 fo that if this Cuftom pre-
vails, my Country muft by this time be
very thinly inhabited, for 1 dare fay few
For^ofan Women have Children after they
are 58 Years of Age, efpecially if thefe mur-
thering Prieftefles have danc'd upon them
fifteen or fixteen of their mortal Dances.
Befides, this deftroys both Males and Fe-
males, fo that Polygamy to repair the lofs
is imprafticable. And yet, notwithftand-
ing all thefe pernicious inconveniences in
this ftory, the fabulous Candidius was an
Author of Credit with moft People, till my
Book came out and confuted him. But is
it not ftrange that this and many other of
bis nonfenfical incoherences (hould be rea-
dily believed, and yet what I truly fay of
human Sacrifices be difputed ?
\()Ohjeci. We can believe that human
Viftims have (tho* very rarely) beenfome-
times offered, but that- 1 8000 Boys (hould be
yearly fa-crific d is incredible ^ for this pra-
ftice
The Second Preface.
ftice would in a (hort time depopulate the
Ifland, p. 23, 27.
I A»Jh. This I think fufEciently anfwer-
ed in the 27th, 28th, 29th and 30th Pages
of this Edition. And 1 defire the Reader
to obferve, that laffert the Law commands
us to facrifice fo many, but I do not tell
you it is matter of fadt that we do every
Year Sacrifice the full number.
7 Anfrx>. We allow Polygamy (p. 52.)
and that fupplies us with a numerous IlTue.
Suppofe then eighty Males and eighty Fe-
males born in one ftreet, and grant that
fixty of the Males are facrificed, there will
yet be left twenty Males for eighty Feir.ales,
and there is no doubt but thefe Women will
have as many Children as any eighty Wo^
men in another Nation where Polygamy is
not lawful.
3 Anfw. Moft of thefe Children are fa*
crific'd very young ^ few of which ( if they
efcap'd the knife of the Sacrificator ) would
live to the Age of one and twenty.
4 Anfn>. Do but conGder how many Men,
all fit for Marriage, go out of this King-
dom every Year, fome to the Eajl or Weji-
Indies^ fome to Portugal^ Italy, Germany^
Flanders^ &c. and then tell me if more of
your Men are not yearly deftroyed than we
facrifice Children. And fure then one would
think thsLtForf^ofa is not in fo great danger
of being depopulated as ErrgUnd^ where it
is
The Second Preface.
is now a common obfervation, that there
are four times more Women than Men.
20 Ohjeff. If Polygamy rather populates
a Country, why has Turky fewer People
( in proportion ) than any other Country >
Affftv. Tis obferv'd that in Turkey^ as
well as in other places, the number ot Males
and Females born is near equal 5 if there-
fore one Man in Tnrky has thirty Wives,
there muft be twenty nine Batchelors, and
had thefe been all facrific*d when they were
young, 'tis plain that Empire would be no
lefs populous in one Age. Befides, it is not
fo probable that this Man who hath thirty
Wives fhould have thirty Children every
Year, as that a Formofan who hath fix or
eight Wives (hould have fix or eight Chil-
dren.
21 ObjeS. He fays, in the Chap. Of Re-
ligioK.p.^j.They were commanded to divide
the Year intorMonths, Weeks and Days. And
again, p. 23, 27. to facrifice fo many Boys,
and this is written in their Jarhabadio^fd 5
and yet in the Chap. Of Weights attd Me'a-
fnresy p. 98. he tells us, that before the
Dutch came amongft them they had no
names nor figures tor numbers ^ how then
were all thefe numbers written in the Jar*
habiidioffd ^
I Arffvc, By the word/^/zrex I underftand
foch as are us'd in Eitrope 5 we had ways of
making fuch and fuch marks for numbers
before
The Second Preface,
before theDntch came, but I could not pro-
perly call chetn figures, no more than you
can fo call your Milk-womens Chalk- fcores,
and yet you find they keep a fair reckoning
with you.
2 Anfw. As I have told you, that in con-
verfation we declared to one another what
number we meant by figns on our Fingers,
fo we had Charaders alfo to fignifie thefe
motions of the hands. Our great numbers
were caft up by the help of Stones, or a
fort of Counters, and points made upon Pa-
per. Some of our Noblemen by converfing
with the Chinefe learnd their Hierogly-
phicks. And this was all our Arithme-
tick.
22 OhjeB, The Author muft ftrangely
forget himfelf, or the Tranflator mifinter-
prec him, for he fays (vid. firft Edition,
Chap. Of Arms and Weapons ') the Japan-
nefe make fuch Scimiters as will cut at one
blow a large Tree in funder.
Anfw. This is a good natur'd Objeftion 5
but had the expreffion been fo ftrong in
the Original, all that can be faid is, that
it had been an Hyperbole^ which I believe
is allowed in all Languages 5 but I affure you
the Latin runs thus, Gladios faclunt qui ar-
horem mcdiocrlter magnam uno iBn ahfcindere
fojjiint. And now how that Tranflator who
is old Dog at Latin came to make this mi-
(take, I know not.
2 30/'/VJ7.
The Second Preface.
2^0bje&, If Gold be fo cheap as he fays
(Chap. Of Momy, p. 129.) Why do not
the Merchants bring larger quantities from
thence ?
Anfvp. I was not of the Emperor's Coun-
cil, and therefore will not pretend to tell
the reafons why he fuffers not the Merchants
to export more Gold 3 this I know that the
Merchants themfelves fay, tho' they pay
fuch great Tribute for it, yet *tis worth the
while to carry it to C6/W, tho* even there
it's cheaper than mEurope.
2 A»fw. Some of our Palaces are cover'd
with Gold, and therefore it muft be plen-
ty 5 for tho' nothing is more proud and
vain than an Indian Prince, yet he would
not cover his large Houfe with fuch Metal,
were it not much cheaper than in other
parts.
5 Anfw. It may eafily be fuppofed that
when I came into England I was ignorant
of the value of your Coin, and fo could
not make you underftand how very cheap
Gold was with us 5 which fome Gentlemen
to whom I lent my Manufcript obferved,
and put into ray hands Varcnmis Defcrip-
tion oi Japan, &:c. where is a Chapter fpent
in comparing our Japannefe Money with
your European Coins ^ I then m^de ufe of
this Author, and ftiil believe he is right in
his computations 3 if not, let him anfvver
for them.
24 Ohj0,
The Second Preface.
24 Obje^. According to the Defcription
he ^ives us of the Ships, C^c. of Formofuy
'tis impoffible they (hould live one day at
Sea, tor they are not mathematically or re-
gularly built, &c. p. 128.
1 Anfw. Our Ships, &c. are not perhaps
fit fpr the Ocean ^ but we fat'ely take fuch
fmalL Voyages asto Chwa.Japaft^ or thePA/-
lippine Iflands 5 we Coaft it indeed as much
as we can 5 and if we perceive a Storm, we
put into any Creek and drop Anchor.
2 Anfw. I will not pretend to defend the
regularity of their building. I know little
more of the Mathematicks than one born
blind doth of Colours 5 I have given you
the figures of thefe Veffels as near as I can
remember 5 and I leave the difledtion of
them to the Mathematicians.
25 Obje^. If he is refolved to continue
a true Chriftian, Why doth he talk of re-
turning home, where he muft renounce
his Fveligion or be crucified? p. 16, 159,
161.
1 Anfvp. I could fay feveral things to this
Objeftion, but at prefent it is not proper
to publilh them 5 however, I will in private
fatisfie any Member of the Church oiEfig-
Und^ who is not contented with what
follows.
2 Anfw. If a Man puts a queftion to me,
I ought to take the queftion in the fame
fenfe he asks it, and fo fairly anfwer it ^
this
The Second Prefacei
this being granted, I (hall, before I reply,
only put the Reader in mind how much
our hatred is encreafed againft the Chrifti-
ans ; Ever fince the great Perfecution, the
People have loft all the good Principles the
Jefuits preach'd, and retain only a hateful
remembrance of their Tricks, Frauds and
Defigns to extirpate all the Pagans 5 thefe
Notions the Priefts induftrioufly keep fre(h
in our memories 5 fo that now we take a
Chriftian to be one who worQlips a Cruci-
fix and other Images, that makes and eats
bis God, that believes one Pf ieft to be the
fupreme Head of his Church, and that hel
is ftriaiy obliged, by his Religion, to per-
fecute and deftroy, &c. all thofe who will
not fubmit to this Head of his Churchy
Now let the Reader confidef this, and tell
me whether (I knowing by a Chriftian oe
Croffman they only mean a Man of fuch
Principles juft mention d, which I from my
Soul abhor ) I fay, let the Reader tell mei
whether I am not oblig'd, at ray return, to
deny ray felf to be fuch, and even to trara-
pie upon the Crucifix as a confirmation
that I had told them the truth? Vid. p. 161,
162.
Thus i think I have anfwered all the Ob-
jeiiions of moment ^ as for thofe of left
weight,. I chofe rather to explain therti iri
c Ihdi'
The Second Preface.
their proper places in the Book, than too
much to (well this Preface. But whofoever
is not entirely fatisfy*d with what 1
have faid , may come to me , or I will
take it for a favour if he pleafeth to
fend me his fcruples in a Letter, and
I promife to give him a fpeedy and plain
Anfwcr : Any of the Bookfellers , for
whom this Book is printed, can dired you
to me.
But I muft not conclude before I have
given a true Account of a Conference I had
wiWi the Excellent Captain H^/Zy, Savilian
Profefibr of the Mathematicks in the famous
Univerfity^f Oxford, for many People talk
of it.
'Tis about a Year fince I had the honour
to meet Captain Halleji with fome other
Gentlemen at a Tavern 5 they ask'd me the
ufual quefkions about my Country, and I
returned fatisfaftory anfwers 5 at lafc, fays
the Captain, Doth not the Sun (hine down
the Chimnies in Formofa ^ I anfvver*d nega-
tively 5 at which they were furprized, for
mofl: Geographers place our Ifland under
the Tropic oi Cancer ^ but I went on, tel-
ling them that granting Formofa was ex-
aftly under the Line, it was impoffible the
Sua (liculd fhine down the Chimnies, for
they
The Second Preface,
they do not ftand perpendicular, but th^.
Smoak is carried througli the Walls of ■ .i-
Houfe by crooked pipes, and their ends i. :
turnd direftly upwards, the beccer to con
vey it into the Air. Pray Sir ( fav-
Captain ) when you ftand upright >/
hotteft weather how is your Shadov;
reply'd very (hort, infomuch that it eaa
fcarcely be difcern'd. The laft queCri-'i
was, How much twilight we have in Jror
Mofa .<? At firft I did not underftand hi .
riieaning, for I then knew very liitle £;;-
glifl) 5 but when he had explained hiinfelf,
I reply^d that I never made any obi r^^:>-
tions about it^ for till I came into £///./,
I never heard of a diftingufh'd time frr :
Day and Night. This is the whole o:
our Conference, thoTome People are please
to invent a great deal more.
It is expefted I fliould fay fomething
of the French Verfon of this Book, ef-
pecially fince that Tranflator pretends to
have Latin Memoirs from me : I (l:iall on-
ly tell you, that he impolech upon the
World 5 befides, 'tis very plain he com-
piled his from the firft Ejjglifi Edition 5
tho* he has taken but little care to ll:ick
to his Original : It would not be altoge-
ther ufelefs to take notice of the many
grofs Faults in the Fretich TranOation,
c 2 but
The Second Preface.
but I have already trefpaffed too long up-
on the Reader's Patience, and therefore put
an end to this Preface,
ZiOndoHj June 12,
ERRATA.
PAge $. Line 20. for Toyovpaan^ read Tyowan, p. 9. I. 5,
dele them^ p. 39. I. 31. r. 0/ Xternetfa. p. 69. I. 2.
another Mans Wife. p. 137. I. 21. f. om?/?, r. on?, p. 181. 1. 34.
f, laager, r. /dr^er. p. 5. of the Epift. Dedicatory, f. Ter^ r. 7^^
p. 20. 1. 35. f.nor, r. /lo^ p. 14. 1. 27. {, gave, x.gli^e.
THE
THE
CONTENTS.
Book I.
CHap. T» Of the Situation^ Magnitude^ and
Bivijion of the IJIe^ Page i
(Shap. II. Of the great Revolutions which have hap-
pen d in the Jfle 6?/Formofa, p. 5
Chap. III. Of the form cf Government in the Ifland
Formofa \ and of the new haws made by the
jE^^z/eror Meryaandanoo, P- Jf4
Chap. lY. Of the Religion of the Formofans, p. 1 9
Chap. V. Of the Feflivals, p. 30
Ch^ip.yL Of Fajiing Day s, p. 32
Chap. VII. Of the Ceremonies to he ufed on Fejfi-
valDaySj p. 0,/^
Chap. VIII. Of the EleBion of Vriejh, p. 3 6
Chap. IX. Concerning the Jforfhip oftheSun^ Moon
ayid Stars^ p. 4 5
Chap. X. Of the Fofiures of the Body in Adoring^
P- 47
Chap. XI. Of the Ceremonies that are ohferved at
the Birth of Children^ P« 49
Chap. XII. Of our Marriages or Groutacho ,
p. 5:1
Chap. XIII Of the Ceremonies towards the Dead,
P-H
Chap.
The Contents.
Chap. XrV. Of our Opinion concerning the Ji ate of
SohIs after Deaths P« 5 7
Chap. XV. Of Worjhipfing Devils, p. 6 1
Chap. XVI. Of the Friejily Garments, p. 63
Chap. XVII. Concerning their Manners and Cu-
Jioms, p. 67
Chap. XVIJI. A Befcriftion of , the Men in For-
mola, p. 77
Chap. XIX. Of the Cloaths worn in Formofa by
all Ranks of People, p. 80
Chap. XX. Of their Cities, Houfes, Falaces,CaJiles,
p. 89
Chap. XXI. Of the Trade and Merchandize of For-
mofa, p. 95r
Chap. XXII. Of Jfeights and Meafures, p. 98
Chap. XXIII. Of the fuperJiitioHs Cnjioms of the
common Feople, P* 99
Chap. XXIV. Of the Difeafes in Formofa, ami
their Cures, P- Ic3
Chap. XXV. Of the Revenues of the King, the
Vice-Roy, the General of the Army, and of all
others in high Flaces of Power andTruJl, p. 1 07
Chap. XXVI. Of all the Fruits of the Ground,
p. 108
Chap. XXVII. Of the things which are common-
ly eat, p. 1 1 2
Chap. XXVIII. Of our manner of Eating, Drink-
ing, Smoaking and Sleeping, p« 1 1 T
Chap. XXIX. Of the Animals in Formofa, whtch
are not found in England, P- ^ * 7
Chap. XXX. Of the Language of the pormofans,
p. 119
Chap. XXXI. Of the Shipping of the Formofans,
p. 128
Chap. XXXII. Of the Money of the Formofans,
p. 129
CHAP.
The Contents.
Chap. XXXIII. Of the Arms of the Japannefe
and Formolans, P- 1 3 1
Chap.XXXIY. Of the Mufical Inftmments of the
Japannefe and Formofans, P« 1 3 ?
Chap. XXXV. Of the way of educating our Chil-
dren^ p« 1 3 7
Chap. XXXVI. Of the Liberal and Mechanical
At 5 in Japan and Formofa, p. 140
Chap. XXXVII. The manner of our Vice-Roy s ren-
dering an account of his Government to the Em-
feror c/ Japan, P* ^47
^ Chap. XXXVIII. OftheSuccefsoftheJcJuits in
frofagating the Chrifiian Faith in Japan, from
1549/0 1615. More efpe daily of the Reafons
of the terrible /laughter that was made of them
about the Tear 1616. And of the Law frohibi*
ting Chrijlians under pain of Death to come into
Japan, p. 1^0
Chap. XXXIX. Of the coming of the Dutch into
Japan, with their Succefs, and the Tricks they
playd, p. 159
Chap. XL. Of the 7iew Devices of the Jefuits for
getting i«r6? Japan, p« 1^5
The Conch fion^ P* 1^9
Book IL
An Account of the Ajithor'^s Travels through feve-
ral parts of Europe •, together with his Confe-
rences with the Jefuits^ &c. and the Reafons
of hisConverfton^ &c. P« 173
The Grounds of the Author^ s Converfion^ p. 2 1 o
Sect. IJ. Of the Attributes of God in general^
p. 224
Sedl.III. Of the Divine Attributes in particular^
p. 225
Seel.
The Contents.
Sedl.IV. Of God's end in creating the World,
p. 228
Seft.V. OftheNeceffity of a Divine Revelation^
p. 230
Se(El.yL Of Religion in general^ p. 232
Sed:. VIL Of the Chrijiian Religion in generaly
ajid particularly of the Miracles wrought in '
confirmation of it^ p. 2 3 4
Sea.YlII. Of the OhjeU of Chrijiian Religion,
p. 253
Sedt. IX. Of Promifes and Rewards, of Woes and ■
Punifjment,^ p. 260
Se6l. X. Several other Proofs for the Chrijiian Re- ^
ligion, ' ■ p-264
Sed:. XL The OhjeBions the Author made againjt
the Chrijiian Religion, with their Solutions,
p.269
The Jjithois Application, p. 2 8 3
Of
a;n
Historical and Geographical
DESCRIPTION
O F
FORMOSA
Book I.
CHAP. L
Of the Situation^ Magnitude^ and Vwi^
fion of the Ife,
FOrmofa is ail Ifland by the Natives caird
Gad-jivia^ from Gad, Beautifal, and Avia
an Ifle 5 by the Chinefe it is call'd Fac-
Ando^ (which Cgnifies the fame) for Tac
is Beautiful, zr\^Ando an Ifland* It is one of the
moft pleafant and excellent of all the Afiatick
Ifles, whether we conlider the convenient Situa-
tion, the healthful Air, the fruitful Soil, or the
B curiou$
5? A Defcription of
curious Springs and ufeful Rivers, and rich Mines
of Gold and Silver, wherewith it abounds-, for
it enjoys many advantages which other lllands-
want, and wants fcarce any of thofe which they
have.
Formo/a and Japjn^ are the renf^oteft parts to-
wards the Eaji^ which are hitherto known or dif-
cover'd, and fo they are the firft Countries that are
vifited with the Rays of the Morning Sun. tor-
7nofd has on the l^orth fide Japan^ diitant about
200 Leagues^ on the l^orth and Wefl ^ China^
from which it is diftant about 60 Leagues-, and
on the South fide Luconia^ from which it is di-
ftant about 100 Leagues.
This Ifle I'ormofa extends itfelf in length from
"North to South about 70 Leagues, and in breadth
from Eaji to Weft 1$ Leagues, being above 130
Leagues in Circumference. It is divided into five
Ifles, whereof two are call'd Avia^' dos Lardonosy
or the Ifles of Tfo>z;^j •,_ the third is call'd Great
Gyry or Feorko •, the fourth Ijttle Adgy or Feor-
ko'^ and the fifth, which lies in the middle, and
is caird Kaboski^ or the Principal liland, is greateft
of all the ^\Q^ being 17 Leagues in length, and
15 in breadth, is moft ftri£tly calFd Gad Aviat-
or the Ifland formofd-^ though all the reft, which
for diftinftion fake, are caird by feveral Names,
are comprehended under the general Name of
formofa ^ and in this Senfe, we fhall ufe the
Word in the following Account of this Ifle, which
is much fubjeft to Thunder, Earthquakes, Storms
of Wind and Hail, which oftentimes greatly en-
damage the Inhabitants -5 the Earthquakes are fo
flrong, that they overturn our Houfes-, the great
Winds generally rife thirty or forty Days after
the fcorching Heats of Summer : In Winter alfo
we have Winds, but not fo violent as the for-
mer,
the Ife Formofa 5
tner •, they are f^pa;2 Winds, very fharp and
cold.
We have very little Rain till Winter, but then
it rains two or three Months togecher ; and tho'
we never lee Ice nor Snow, yet thefe cold Rains
and (harp Winds make a feveie Winter. All the
Summer the heat obligeth us to live under Ground^
as I (hall more fully (hew you hereafter.
I never learn'd the Maibematicks, therefore I
will not pretend to tell you in what Latitude For-
Tnofa lies, even the European Geographers can-
not agree where to place it. moft of them indeed
fay it is under the Tropic of Cancer^ and proba-
bly they may be in the right, for at Midfammer
the Sun is exaftly over our Heads ^ yet fureiy
they mutt be wrong when they place Formofa in
Latitude 23. Japan 50. and Jctzo 40 and 45;*
for our Ifland as to the Climate is not unlike 7/.?/^ *,
fome parts o^ Japan are as cold as England^ zml
Jetzois fo extreamly cold that it is not inhabi-
ted. Now I cannot coilceive how J^/^^fhouldbe
fo intenfely cold, and yet in the lame Meridia.a
with Countries well peopled, even to 70 and 80
degrees of Latitude. But let this Matter be as it
will, I cannot pretend to determine it, but (hall
pafs on to the next Chapter.
CHAP. IL
Of the great Ke^z/oluiio^s which ha've
happen d in the IjLand Formofa,
IF we look into our Chxonicles, that vvere writ-
ten about 250 Years fmce, we find that the
Government oi Formofa was Monarchical, the
B 2 King
4 A Defer ipt ion of
King in his Adminiftration depended upon the
Repiefentatives of the People, who were two or
three chofen in every City and Village to take
care of their publick AiFairs, and were changed
every third Year. The King whom the Natives in
their Language call'd Bagalo^ had one Governor in
each of the aforementioned Ifles, fubjefl to his
Power, and accountable to him for their Admini-
ftration ^ and this Governor was call'd by the Na-
tives Tano. Bat about 20 o Years ago the Empe-
ror of Tartary invaded this Ifland and fubdu'd it,
which continued under the Dominion of the Tar-
tars until the third Generation : But the third
Emperor who fucceeded after this Conqueft, be-
ing an Auftere Tyrannical Prince, was very cruel
to the Natives, and had formed a defign to ex-
tirpate their Religion, upon the account of their
Sacrificing of Children , and to bring in his Ma-
hometan Religion amongft them. This fo pro-
voked the People, that at laft they did all with
one confent take up Arms, and rofe againft his
Deputy and the Forces by which he ruled them,
and drove them all out of the Country, after a
bloody Battel. And thus they fhook oiF the Yoke
of Tartarian Bondage, under which they had
groan'd above 70 Years ^ and reftor'd theif Natu-
ral Prince to the rightful Throne of his Anceftors,
who now became independent not only of a Fo-
reign Prince, but of all the little Commonwealths
within his own Dominions^ in which ftate they
continued above 70 Years. Daring which tinje
the Eicropeans came hither, viz. the Dutch and
Engltll\ who maintain'd a great Trade with the
Natives, efpecially in Great Feorko^ where the
Dutch built a Caftle, call'd Tyowan, At the
fame time, while the Dutch were there, theCo/-»
refc came and atrerapred to land in the Jfland,
with
the Ijle Formofa, 5
with a defign to Conquer it, but were ftoutly re-
pulfed by the Natives, who took up Arms in de-
fence of their Country, and maintain'd a War
with the Chinefe for fome Years ^ until at laft
they drove them back into their own Country.
But the Formojans finding that ih^Dutch under a
falfe pretence of joining with them to force back
the Chinefe^ had treacheroully underhand af-
fifted them to Conquer Formofay hoping at laft to
wreft it out of their hands^ and make it their
own ^ thefe Hollanders were thereupon banifhed,
and prohibited to come anymore into that Illand,
and their Caftle Tyowan was demolifhed. They
endeavour'd to excufe themfelves, by faying, They
were afFraid that both we and the Chinefe had a
defign to extirpate them, and therefore (faid they)
you cannot blame us for being upon our Guard,
and preparing to make our belt defence^ but
thefe fair Words fignified nothing : Then they went
and fortify 'd a little Ifland eall'd Toyowaan^ di-
ftant from Formofa about 3 or 4 Leagues, from
whence alfo they were expell'd ^ by the Chinefe.
But after the Emperor of Japan had taken Yor-
viofa^ the ^utch (by fome fair Promifes) obtain'd
his PermiiTion to land there again, upon conditi-
on that their flay fliould befhort, and a fufficient
number of Soldiers fhould obferve their Aftions.
Thither therefore they come, and when they can
find what they have a mind to in Formofa^ they
go no farther : but when they mifs of their aim
there, then they travel farther into Japan ^ viz.
to the Ifle of Nangafaque^ for they are not per-
mitted to go to any other place, as I fliall more
fully (hew hereafter. However, under thefe
Commotions Formofa ftill preferved its form of
Government independent of a Foreign Prince, until
M^ryaandcnoo having firft ravifh'd the Empire of
B 3 J^^^n
$ A Defcription of
Japan by one of the molt barbarous Aftions that
ever was heard of, conquer'd Formo/a afterwards
by a Trick, which was not lefs Comical and
Subtile than the other was Cruel and Bloody.
Of boih which Revolutions I fhall now give the
Reader a (hort and true Account, as it is to be
found in our Hiftories, and is firmly believed by
all the People of Formo/a^ upon the report of
many ocular Witnefles Hill alive, efpecially of
my Father, who when this happened was above
20 Years of age ^ he is now about 79.
Meryaandanoo was by Nation a Qhinefe^ but
coming to Japan while he was young, he was by
the favour of fome Great Man admitted to fome
mean OiBce in the Court of" the Emperor Qhaza-
4ijn^ where he continued lome time, and had his
Education. Bur the Emperor perceiving that he
was a very ingenious young Man, and well quali-
fied for a better OflSce, gave him at firft fome
inferiour Place in the Army ^ in which he behav'd
himfelf fo well, that he was quickly preferred to
a higher Poll, and by his winning Behaviour and
admirable Conduft, he fo far infinuted himfelf
into the favour of the Emperor, that he was gra-
dually advanced from one Poll of Honour in the
Army to another-, until at laft he arriv'd at the
higheft, and was made Great Carilhan, or
Chief General of all the Imperial Forces, which
IS the higheft Office in the Empire, not only for
Honour, but for Power and Truft. And in the
adminiftration of this OflSce, he behav'd himfelf
with fo much Prudence and Courage, that the
Emperor lov'd him exceedingly ^ but much more
did he win tLe Heart of the Emprefs, who was
fo taken with his gallant Mien, that fhe could
not liv^ without him : So great was her kindnefs
%Q \i\m^ ^nd (he put fuch entire confidence in hi^
faij
the Ijle Formofa. 7
fair SpeecheSjthat (he would'often meet him in pri-
vate places 'y which was a favour very rare and
unufual in that Country, efpecially from fo
great a Perfon as the Emprefs. Having thus
gain'd the Love of the Emperor and Emprefs, to
fo great a degree, this ungrateful Villain madeufe
of that familiarity to which the Emprefs admit-
ted him, and of that confidence they both put in
him, firfl: to raife a Jealoufie in the Mind of the
Emperor againft the Emprefs ^ and then by this
means to contrive an opportunity for murthering
them both : which barbarous deGgn this bloody
Villain accomplifhed after this manner. Firft, he
perfuaded the Emperor that his Emprefs was in
Love with a certain Nobleman, whom he fup-
pofed, and (he often met him, and had private
Converfation with him in the Garden : Where-
upon the Emperor being highly enrag'd both a-
gainlt this Nobleman, whom he falfly accus'd,
and againft the Emprefs, who was fuppos'd to
have kept company with him, defir'd Mcryaa;?'
da?7oo to enquire diligently at what hour, and in
what place they were to meet together in the
Garden, if it were poffible for him to find it out;
and then, fays he, come and acquaint me with it,
and I will take care that neither of them fhall
efcape out of my hands, but both (hall fufFer
Death, according to the demerit of their Crime.
This Meryaandanoo promis'd to do, as the Empe-
ror had defired him ^ and fome time after he came
out of the Emperor's prefence, he went to the
Apartment of the Emprefs, and having good
affurance of her ready compliance, by his former
private Converfations with her, he pray'd her to
meet him at a certain Hour of that Day, in a
certain place of the Garden ^ which (he, miftru-
fting nothing, readily promifed to do, and ap-
B 4 pointed
8 A Defcription of
pointed the time and place for the meeting. Ha-
ving gained this point, which was a great ftep
towards finifliing his defign, he went and acquain-
ted the Emperor, thatatfuchan Hour the Noble-
man was to come, and to meet his Emprefs in
fuch a place of the Garden. Whereupon the Em*
peror prefently commanded his Guards to be got
|:eady, with which he intended to feize them both
together, and bring them to deferved punifhment.
In the mean time I^leryaanianoo having changed
his Clothes, and mask'd his Face, that he might
pot be known to the Emperor, under this dif-
guife, meets the Emprefs at the time and place
appointed, whom he moft barbaroufly ftabb'd,
with a poifon'd Dagger, to conceal the Murther,
ty flopping the Effufion of Blood : The Empe-
ror comes at firft all alone into that place of the
Garden to fatisfie his Curiofity of feeing them
together, fearing, left the appearance of the
Guards would make themi runaway ^ and he per-
ceivings certain Nobleman, as he fuppofed, lyin^
upon the Emprefs in an unfeemly pofture, he
caird for his Guards, who were at fome di-
itance from the place : But while he advanced
towards the Nobleman, not knowing him to be
Meryaanianoo^ M^ryaandarioo was too nimble for
him, who came fully prepared to execute the
wicked Defign he had plotted •, for he had no
fooner calfd for his Guards, but he clofed in with
him, and gave him his Deaths wound with the
ftme polfon'd Dagger ^ and immediately after he
had ftruck the blow, he fled away with all pof-
fible fpeed, through unbeaten Paths amongTrees
^nd Bu(hes, and fo made his efcape without be-
ing difcover'd : When the Guards came and found
the Emperor and the Emprefs both kill'd, they
ItQod for fome time aftonilh'd, at this ftrange
5in4
* the Ifle Formofa. p
and furprizing Events but they wonder'd mod of
all at the Murther of the Emperor, who fo late-
ly parted from them, and whom them they heard
but a little before call upon them to come to
him. Some condoled the fudden Death of two
fuch great Perfons, while others fearch'd every
where about the Garden, among the Trees and
Bufhes, to find out the Murtherer : But when
they faw that no difcovery could be made, the
Soldiers began to mutiny, had not the Captain
of the Guards diverted their Fury, by telling
them, That they muft do nothing until they had
firft acquainted the Carilhan with what had hap-
pened ^ whereupon a Party was immediately dif-
patch'd to his Houfe, (whither he had made his
efcape after he had committed the Murther) and
when they came there, and told him, he feem'd to
be mightily furpris'dand troubled, as if he knew
nothing of the matter : But to lofe no time in a
cafe of fo great confequence, he went in allhalte
to the place ♦, where having viewed the dead Bo-
dies, he exprefs'd his great Sorrow, with many
Sighs and Tears, for the lofs of two Perfons fo
great and fo good, to whom he had been infinite-
ly oblig'd, and declared that this execrable Mur-
ther had been committed by a certain Nobleman,
naming him, who had frequently kept Company
with the Empreis in private, and had appointed
a meeting with her this very Day, as he was well
afTur'd. This difcovery gave great fatisfaftion to
the Guards, who being glad of the opportunity
to revenge the Death of their Mailer, went pre-
fently and ftruck off the innocent Nobleman's
Head, by his Order, who was the Murtherer him-
felf Meryaandanoo having thus far fucceeded in
his Defign, wanted now only to be declared Em-
peror, which met with fome oppofition from
thofe
I o A Description of
thofe in the Army, who favoured the Family of
Chazadjin^ though he had no Children by his
Emprefs, but only by his Concubines^ and for
fome time there were many Cabals and Faftions
about the next SuccefTor to the Empire. But at
laft Meryaandanoo^ having pre-engaged a great
Party for hinri, and being generally belov'd by the
Soldiers, by his prevailing Intereft in the Army,
was choien and declared Emperor oi Japan ^ which
was the finifhing of the great defign he intended
to accomplifh, by all the aforemention'd Vil-
lainies and Cruelties.
About two Years after he was promoted to the
Imperial Crown of Japan^ he counterfeited him-
felf to be fick, and caus'd innumerable Sacrifices
to be offered to the God's of Japan^ for the re-
covery of his Health •, but all thefe Sacrifices,
proving, as he pretended, inefFe&ual, and that
thefe God's feem'd either unable or unwilling to
relieve him, he declar'd, though in deep diflimu-
latlon, that it was neceflary for him to feek for
Relief from the Gods of other Countries. And
to this end he fent an Embafladour with a Letter
to the King of formofa^ to entreat him that he
might have leave to fend and offer Sacrifices to
the God of his Country, by whom he hoped to
find that cure of his Difeafe, which in vain he had
expe£led from his own Gods, tho' he had oflfer'd
jLoooo Sacrifices to appeafe them.
m
the Ifle Formofa.
II
His a Letter to the King^ was to this
purpofe.
lAeryaanianoo^ Emperor of J^/?^;?, to the King of
formofa^ my Friend, &c,
BEing afflided with a very grievous Difeafe^
ani having endeavoured by my Oblations to
pacijie the Gods of my Country^ that I ?night re*
cover my Healthy I have found all my endeavours
hitherto ineffe^ual-^ whether through the Anger or
Impotence of the Gods I know not : And therefore
having a great Veneration for your God^ of whofe
great Power and Goodnejs I am fully perfuaded^
I muft entreat you to give leave that I may fend
fome of my SubjeSs into your Jfland^ who fhall
bring along with them the Be aft s they are to offer
in Sacrifice to your God^ for the recovery of my
Health, And if your God fhall be fo jar appea-
fed by thefe Sacrifices as to reftore me to Healthy
I do hereby promife you^ that through all the Em*
fire of Japan, and in all the other Ifles fubjeU to
my Dominion^ I will plant and eflablifh your Religion,
And fo your God fhall be our God^ and we fhall
live in perpetual Wiendjhip with one another,
I expeO: your Anfwer to this Requeft fay my
Ambaffadour,
After the King o?¥ormofa had read the Letter,
he fent for his Priefts and acquainted them with
the Contents of it, and commanded them to con-
fult their God, whether he would grant what
the Emperor of Japan had defired ; The Priefts
hoping that they fliouldreap great Profit and Ad-
♦My Father has a Copy of this Letter by him.
vantage
I a A Defer ipt ion of
vantage from the Emperor, by the Japannefe'^
coming into their Country to ofer Sacrifice, told
the King, that they had confulted their God, and
he had confented, that they (hould come here to
offer Sacrifices, but he had not declared what
fuccefs their Oblations fhould have as to refto-
ring the Health of their Emperor. The King
having received this Anfwer from his Prielts,
fent lor the Ambaffadors of the Emperor of Ja-
fan^ and told them, Go andfalute your Emperor
in my Name^ and tell him^ that he ha^ leave from
my God^ and from me^ to fendfome of his SubjeUs
to offer Sacrifices to our God-^ and If our Godfhall
reft ore hii Healthy 1 hope he will perform what he
hoi promifed of efiablifhing theWorfhip of our God
in alibis Dominions.
The Ambaffadors having taken their leave of
our King returned home into their own Country,
and acquainted the Emperor of jf^apan with the
Anfwer of the King of E?^/^^^ to his Letter •, who
was very glad at the good fuccefs of their Ne*
gotiation, having farther defigns in it than they
were aware of: And therefore he prelently com-
manded a great Army to be made ready, and or-
der'd the Soldiers to be put in great Litters, car-
ried by two Elephants, which will hold Thirty or
Forty Men-, and to prevent any fufpicion of the
Formofans^ they placed Oxen or Rams to be feen at
the Windows of the Litters, and commanded
thefe Litters to be put into Floating Villages ^ a
defcripdon of which you will find in the Chapter
of Shipping.
Thus he covertly convey'd a numerous Army
into the Ifle Formcfa^ with many of the No-
bility of his Court, under the Religious pretence
of offering Sacrifice for the recovery of his Health,
but really with a defign to Conquer the Country,
Being
the Ijle Formofa. 1 5
Being thus fafely arriv'd at the Capital Ifle^ they
took all the Litters out of the floating Villages, and
divided them into three parts, the greateft of
which was fent inro the Capital City Xternetja^
and the two other parts into two other Cities,
call'd B'lgno and Khadzey-^ and at a certain Hour
appointed, the Litters were open'd in all the three
Cities, the Soldiers came our, and with Sword
in Hand, threatning prefent Death to the King,
and all the Inhabitants of the City Xternetja
(which was likewife done in the other Cities at
the fame time) unlefs they would fubmit them-
felves to be governed by the Emperor of Ja]^an.
The King confidering that he had no other pro-
fpeO: but that of imminent and unavoidable Death
before him, and that there was no hopes by his
Death to preferve the ancient Liberties of his
Country, chofe rather to fubmit to the fatal ne-
ceiTity he was under, than throw away his Life to
no purpofe 5 and the reft of the Inhabitants every
where followed his example in this furprifing dan-
ger of Death •, fo that the whole Kingdom was
quickly reduc'd under the Yoke of the Emperor
of Jafan^ without the EfFufion of much Blood.
And from that time the Emperor of Japan has fent
a King into the Ifle of formofa^ who is call'd Tano
Angon^ or thefuperintendentKing. He who was
King before in that Ifle, is only a Bagalaniro ot
Viceroy, or one that is next to the King in Dig-
nity, without any other Power than what he re-
ceives extraordinarily from the Emperor- And
this is a fhort Hiftory of the manner how the Ifle
Tormofa was fubdued by the Villany of the Em-
peror lAeryaandanoo^ who inftead of facrificing
Beafts to the God of the Country, (as he pretended)
would have facrificed the Inhabitants to his own
Ambition, if they had not prevented him by a
voluntary
1 4 -^ Defer ipt ion of
voluntary fubmiffion to his Rule and Government.
I (hall therefore in the nexc place give an account
of the Form of Government in this Ifle, which is
now almoft rhe fame with that which is iii the
ether Ifles of Ja^an.
CHAP. III.
Of the Form of Gozfcrnment in the IJland
Formofa^ and of the Neip Laws made
by the Emperor Meryaandanoo.
MEryaandanoo being thus iettled Emperor of
Japan and Formofa^ made new Laws re-*
lating to the Deputy King, and enforced the old
Laws relating to the Subjeds, with grievous Pe-
nalties, as will appear hereafcer.
The Firft Law is, Concerning the Kings that
are fubje£l to him, who are Twenty Five in num-
ber (befides the Eight who are not properly call'd
Angons or Bagalos but Viceroys or B^elandros^
and the 62 Princes or Tanos Angonl^ which pro-
perly fignifies Superintendent King. And thefe
are obliged by this Law, twice in a Year to wait
upon the Emperor, and then every one of them is
to give an account of his Adminiftration of the
Government, and of all the notable Occurrences
which have happen'd in his Kingdom for the
fpaceof half a Year, and to receive the new Com-
mands of the Emperor, if he Ihall think fit tp
gave any. ~H
The Second Law is. That none of them (hall
tranfgrefs the Commands of the Emperor, unlefs
he firft acquaints him with the necefficy chat forces
hinj
the Ijle Formofa. 1 5
him to do it i yet in a cafe of urgent neceffity, this
Law is moderated by Equity.
The Third Law is, That they fhalldo nothing
to the detriment of the People, fubjea: to their
Government 5 That they (ball not be unjuft, or
cruel to them, or any ways punifh them in Life,
Fortune, or Reputation, without a juft caufe :
which Law he made to gain the Love of the
People.
The Fourth is, That none of the Kings fhalL
fufFera Chriftian to live in his Country, but every
one of them (hall keep Searchers, or Centinelsin
the feveral Sea Ports, who (hall try all Foreigners,
as foon as they arrive in the Harbour, whether
they be Chriftians or no, by this Teft, of tram-
pling upon the Crucifix •, which Teft was chiefly
defign'd againft the Papifts, who worfhip the
Crucifix, and therefore dare not trample upon it:
But as to other Foreigners who do trample upon
the Crucifix, the Governour is to grant them a
Pafs to travel through all the Cities under his Do-
minion, provided they ate not above Twenty in
number.
The laft is. That no King can prohibit or en-
join any Religion, in his Country, but every Sub-
je3: (hall enjoy the Liberty of his Confcience to
worfhip his God after his own way, except there
fhall be any found that are Chriftians^ for the'
difcovery of whom rhere (hall be Searchers ap-
poinred in all Cities and Villages, who (hall try-
them by the Teft aforementioned. And to all thefe'
Laws thisSanftion is added, That if any King„
Vice-Roy, or Prince (hall violate any one of thefe,
Laws, he (hall prefently be put to Death, which
is the true Reafon why the Connmands of the Em-
peror are every where fo exaQly obey'd.
He
1 6 A Defcription of
He made no new Laws relating to theSubje£ls,
but only revived the Natural and Ancient Laws,
which he enforc'd with new Penalties proportion-
able to the Crimes.
The Firft is" againft the Chriftians, That if any
Foreigner fhall be found who is a Chriftian, and
who hath feduc'd or endeavoured to feduce the
Inhabitants toChriftianity, he fnall be imprifon'd,
together with all thofe whom he hath feduced.
And if he will renounce the Chriftian Faith, and
^orfhip Idols, he fhall not only be pardon'd, but
have a certain Penfion allowed him for his Sub-
fiftence •, but if he refufe to do this, he (hall be
burnt alive. And as to thofe who have been fe-
duced, if they will return to their former Idola-
try, they fhall be fet at liberty •, but if they will
not, they fhall be hang'd. And farther, if any
Stranger that is a Chriltian comes there to Mer-
chandize, or upon any other account, if he will
renounce his Chriftianity, he may without inter-
ruption do his Bufinefs, and leave the Ifland when
he pleafeth, but if he isconftant in his Faith, he
(hall be crucify 'd.
The Second is againft Murtherers, Thieves and
Robbers, viz. Whofoever fhall kill another Man
tinjuftly, (hall be hang'd up by the Feet with his
Head downward, and afcer this manner (hall hang
alive a longer or fhorter time, according to the
Barbarity of his Crime, until he be (hot to Death
with Arrows: But if he be both a Robber and a
Murcherer he fhall be Crucified. A Thief fhall
be punilhed according to the heinoufnefs of his
Crime, either with Hanging, or continual Impri-
Ibnment, or with Whipping, or a Fine.
The Third Law is againft: Adulterers, vis. They
(hall tor the firft Offence pay a Fine of loo Copa72s
(each Copa/i being a piece of Gold weighing a
Pound)
ihe Ijle Formofa. t f
Pound) and thofe who have not Money to pay
fuch a Fine, they fliall be publickly whipc by the
Hand of the Hangman : But if any Perfon be
guilty of the fame Crime a fecond time, he or
(he fhall be beheaded. For though, (as will ap-
pear in the following Chapter about Religion)
every Man may haveas many Wives as hisEftate
is able to maintain, yet if any Man fhall carnal-
ly know another Woman befides his own Wives,
he is guilty of Adultery. The fame Law obliges
all thofe who are unmarried. But this Law does
not extend to Foreigners, to whom the Natives
are wont to offer Virgins or Whores, to be made
ufe of at their Pleafure, with Impunity.
The Fourth Law is, Whofoever fhall fubborn
f alfe WitnelTes againft any Man, both he and rh^
falfe Witneffes fhall have their Tongues cut out,
and be farther punifhed according to the hein-
oufnefs of the Crime, and the damage done to the
Party, againft whom they falfely teftify'd.
The Fifth Law is, Whofoever fhall blafpheme
the God of the Country fhall he burnt alive.
The Sixth is. If a Son or a Daughter fhall ftrike
their Father or Mother, or one of their Kindred
that is ancient, or one chat is fuperiour to them
in Power, their Arms and Legs fhall be cut
off, and a Stone being tied about their Neck^
they fhall be thrown into the Sea, or a River :
But if they ftrike a Prieft, their Arms fhall be
burnt off, and then their Body fhall be buried
alive.
Whofoever ihall ftrike his King, Intendant, or
Governouir, fhall be hang'd up by the Feet till he
die, having four Dogs faftned to his Body to tear
it in pieces.
The Seventh is, Whofoever fhall reproach oi
flander any Man, fhall have his Tongue bored
G through
1 8 A Defcription of
through with a hot Iron : But whofever refufes
to obey his Superiour in things lawful, (hall be
beheaded.
The Eighth is, Whofoever fhall Plot, or be
guilty of any Treafon agalnft the Emperor, or any
of the Kings, or (hall endeavour the Subverfion
of the Religion eftablifhed, he (hall be tortur'd
with all imaginable Torments.
All thefe Laws IWeryaandanoo made, or revi-
ved in the fourth Year of his Empire, at a meet-
ing of all the Kings of his Empire, and of all
the chief Priefts of every City ; And by virtue of
them, all the Inhabitants enjoy a profound Peace 5
for as the Subjefts do readily obey the Laws re-
lating to themfelves, fo the Governours and Of-
ficers are careful to put them in Execution when-
ever there is occafion.
There is yet another Law (which I had almofi:
forgotten) concerning Husbands and Wives, vis.
That the Husband fhall have power of Life and
Death over his Wife, /. e, to put her to Death,
if fne deferveth it, and to pardon her if he thinks
fit^ but if her Crime be publickly known, he
cannot pardon her, but is obliged to kill her, as
a terror to Wives in other Families. The Crimes
for which it is lawful to put a Wife to Death
are, Confpiracy againlt her Husband, Murther-
ing of her Children, Adultery, Obftinate Difo-
bedience, Curfing her Husband, and fuch like.
But I muft confefs, this Law was made before
Meryaandanoo was Emperor. And 'tis to be ob-
ferv'd, ^that not only in Japan and f'ormofa^ but
all over the Eafl the Men had always a coercive
and judicial Power over their Wives.
This is what I chiefly intended in this Chapter,
VIZ, to give an account of the Laws and their San-
^ionSjby yN)xK\iMeryaandanoogQ^^xn^]xi^ Deputy-
Kings
the Ifle Formofa. jp
Kings and their Subjefts ^ and tho' there are o^
ther things which might be put ui.der this Head
of Government, yet becaufe they will be incerred
in more proper places, they are here omitted.
C H A R IV.
Of the Religion of the Fortnofans.
ALtho' my defign is only to give an Account
of Formofa^ yet I (hall briefly mention the
variety of Religion in Japari (as far as I have
hQQn inform'd by thofe Japanners who trequenc-
ly come to Formofa) that the Reader may fee
how much alike they are in religious Affairs.
The Religion of Japan mav be divided into three
Sorts. \fl. Idolatry ^ this kind of Worfhip pre-
vails above all other, the Emperors have always
been worfhippers of Idols, and fo has his legal
Succeflbr the Da'iro or High Prieft, and mofi of
the Kings and Princes, fo that in one Temple in
the City Meaco dedicated to Amiia^ there are noc
lefs than 3500 Idols, of Gold 1000, of Silver
1000, of Brafs 1000, the reft are made of Stone
and Wood : To thefe Idols they facrifice Oxen,
Rams, Goats, and other Beafts-, but when their
imaginary Gods will not be appeafed by thefe
Sacrifices, then they alfo offer Children. The
Gods reprefented by thefe Idols were Men fa-
mous in their Generation, fome were Prophets,
or Lawgivers, as Amida, Xaka^ Nakon, Camba-
doxy^ 6cc. others were Emperors, Kings, Gene-
rals of Armies, who for fome famous Aftions
t/vere deify'd ^ others w^ere Priefls who led moft
C i aullere
QO A Defcription of
auftere Lives, and after a long Mortification had
drown'd, hang'd or otherwife deltroy'd themfelves.
I'he Iiittruments of their Deaths, with their Pi-
flures and Hiftory are hung up in the Tennple.
The 7d. fort of Religious Worfhip is of thofe
who acknowledge a Supreme Being, but believe
him to be fo Sublime and Majeftick that they
cannot offer him an acceptable Sacrifice, and there-
fore do not immediately worfhip him for fear
they fhould incur his Difpleafure : But they turn
themfelves to and adore the Sun, believing t.he
Supreme Being created it to rule all things below
it •, they think alfo that the Moon and Stars (as
infer i our Powers to the Sun) take care of terreftri-
al Affairs •, wherefore to the Sun they fometimes
Sacrifice Infants, but to the Moon and Stars on-
ly Beaits.
The ^d, fort is rather Atheiftical than Religi-
ous : For many are bold and ignorant enough to
deny the very Being of a God, and to affert that
the World was not created, and that it will never
be deftroyed : Some there are who believe the
probable Exiftence of a God, yet they think it not
evident enough to oblige them to worfhip him y
' For ( fay they) ' if there be a God, he muft be
' exceeding Good and Merciful, fo we need not be
' afraid of him, he lets us alone, and we do not
' concern our felves with him ^ 'tis enough for
' us if we can appeafe the Devil, and keep him
' from doing any harm to us. Therefore the
Worfhip of thele Men confifts only in facrificing
to evii Spirits.
Thefe three forts of religious Worfhip are yet
fubdivided into feveral Sefts. The firft fort is
moil: fruitful of Divifions, nor from any unintel-
ligible words in the Writings of their Lawgivers,
but from the too fhort account of fome tranf-
aftions.
the Ijle Formofa/ / 21
a£lions. The chief contelt is about the Priority
of thefe Lawgivers, tyc. Some aflirm Aniida ro
be the greatelt, and fome are for Xaka ^ others
allow no difference, but lay when once they are
Deify 'd they are all alike.
The fecond fort is far from Union alfo^ but I
am not well informed of this matter, fo (liall pafs
on to the third.
Of the Atheiftical or third, there are fome who
think the Soul Mortal , and that Men dye like
Beafts ^ others believe it to be Immorral, but
that it paffeth from one Body to another, and
fo on to Eternity. But let this fuffice about the
Religion 0? Japan ^ I fliall proceed to the Reli-
gion of d\ir Iliand Formofa^ and let the Reader
compare them.
The Religion of the Formofans is pretended to
be revealed by Godp by the Mouths of two Pro-
phets or Lawgivers, the exaft Hiftory of which^
we have in our Book calFd J^/r/^^/W/^W [/.^. the
EleQion of the Land] from Jarhaar^ Chofen,
and Bady^ Land ^ from whence I have taken the
following account of it : That about 900 Years
ago, the Inhabitants of Formofa knew no other
Gods but the Sun and the Moon, whom they be-
liev'd to be Supreme, and the Stars, which they
looked upon to be as it were Semidei^ or fubor-
dinate Gods^ and then their whole Worfhip con-
fifted in adoring them Morning and Evening, and
offering them the Sacrifices ot Beafts : They be-
lieved the Devil to be an evil Spirit, which de-
lighted in Cruelty, fo they worfhipped him alfo
left he ftiould torment them. But after fome
time there arofe two Philofophers, who had led
a pious and auftere kind of Life in the Deferts,
and pretended that God had appeared to them,
and fpoke to them to this purpofe *, J am much
C 3 trouble^
Q2 A Defer if Hon of
troubled for the Blindnefs of this People^ hecaufe
they zoorjlnp the Sun^ Moon and Stars fo devoutly^
as if they had no Creator and Supreme Deity ^ go
and tell them^ I am the Lord of the Sun^ Moon
and Stars^ of the Heaven^ the Earth and the Sea :
J govern the fublunary Creatures by the Sun
and Moon and ten Stars^ and without me they
cannot exift. Go and tell them^ that God ha<f
appear d toyou^ and/aid^ if they will worfhip and
adore him^ he will be their Frotetlor^ and will
appear to them in their Churches^ which they build
to h^ Honour^ and promife them in my Name^
Khar if they worfhip and obey me^ they fhall re-
ceive great Rewards after thps Life. The names
of thefe two Philofophers were TLeroaboabel^
which is a name unknown to the Japannefe^ and
Chorke-Makejn^ which in the Japan Language
fignifies Creator annunciate for Chorke fignifies
the Creator, and Makejn^ declares. Now thefe
two pretending that God had fpoke to them,
came to a certain Mountain calfd Tanalio^ near
thje Capital City, where the People were met to-
gether to offer Sacrifice to the Sun, and told them
to this effect : 0 ye blind Mortals , who worfhip
the Stars fo devoutly^ and are ignorant of the God
zoho is above them : That God who created the
Sun and Aloon^ and all things in Heaven and
'Eanh^ ha^ this day taken pity on you^ and ap-
peared to us J and commanded us to reveal him un-
to you. And after they had faid this, they de-
monftrated by many Arguments, that there is
cne Supreme God, who is above all the vifible
things in this World. This Difcourfe fo much
affeSed the People, that they defired to know
of them, how that God would be worfliipped,
whether they (hould wonTiiphim after the fame
manner^ as they then worfhipped the Sun ? To
which
the Ife Formofa
which they anfwercd. No. But if they zi^ould
worfhip him according to his Mind^ in an accept-
able manner^ theyjhoidd firfi build him a Tem^ler^
and in that they Jlwidd fnake a Tidicrnacle^ a fid
an Altar^ and upon the Altar they fiould burn
20000 Hearts of young Male Children^ under nine
Tears of Age, And zohen ye have done thefe
things^ faid they, then God v^Ul appear to you in
this Tabernacle^ and tell you what you are to do
farther for his Service. When the People heard
thefe things, they could no longer refrain them-
felves, but exclaimed againft thefe tv«;o Prophets
as Hypocrites and Impoltors ^ and asked thenn in
great Rage, how can your God be fo cruel as
to require us to kill fo many of our Sons, and
offer them up in Sacrifice to him ? Wheieupori
the two Prophets fled away into theDefert again,
having left thefe threatning words behind them,
We have told you what our God commanded us to
fay unto you •, but if ye will not believe our words^
and obey hh IVill^ ye flmll quickly find that- the
Divine Vengeance will purjue you.
A little while after it was obferved, that the
Sky was darkened, and there fell much Rain with
Hail, which deflroyed the Fruits of the Ground,
innumerable Claps of Thunder were heard ^ there
were alfo great Earthquakes in feveral places,
and the Air became foPeftilential, that the great-
eft part of the Inhabitants were vifited with fud-
den Death •, the wild Beafis came into their Ci-
ties, and even into their Houfes, and devour-
ed their young Children. Thefe Calamities
lafted for a day and a half^ which were fo terri-
ble, that the whole Ifland feemed to be in dan-
ger of utter Ruine and Deftru£tion. Which fad
profpeSl moved all the Inhabitants to return una-
fiimoufly to the Mountain aforefaid, and there
. C 4 they
^4 A Defrription of
they confefled their great fault in refufing to be-
lieve the two Prophets, and cry'd earneftly with •
all their Hearts to that God who had fpoken to
them by thofe Prophets, deprecating his Wrath
for their pafl: Offences, and pronaifing they would
^0 whatfoever he fhould command them, if he
would now fpare them. And at length, after
long and humble Supplication, that God fent
them a Prophet, which fhould declare a new
Peace and Reconciliation between him and them,
upon which account they called him ffalmanaa-
^aar^^ i. e. the Author of Peace. After he had
publifhed this joyful Meflage unto them, he
commanded them to build a Temple, and in it an
Altar, above that Altar to make a Tabernacle,
and then to facrifice upon the Altar loo Oxen,
I go Rams and loo Goats, and to burn upon it
2C00D Hearts of young Children under nine Years
of Age, and then God would appear to them.
They built therefore a Temple, after the form
defcribed in the firft Figure.
The Jirjl Figure explained^
A^ The Tower in which God appears in the
Tabernacle.
B, The Tower in which are the Singers and
Players upon Inftruments.
C The Window-Tower, v/hich lets in the
Sky-light.
p. The Head of an Ox, or a Sytpbol of God,
£". An Image of the Sun.
E An Image of the Moon,
G. The Gate of the Temple.
i/. The Windows.
I The parts covered with Gold*
-flM 1.
-Pq^: 24
.4. Temjfk,
Tag: Zi;
the Ifle Formola. 2^
jr. The place for the Men.
L. The place for the Women.
The whole Temple is built of four-fquare
Stones after an exa£l Model, and is the moft
finiflied piece of ArchiteQure that we have in the
whole Ifland, being of great bignefs and height.
In the Tower which looks towards the Eaft is
the Tabernacle wherein God appears, and the Al-
tar ^ all which they built by the command of the
Prophet VJalmanaazaar.
The fecond Figure explained*
I. A Crown hanging from the Roof over the
top of the Tabernacle. 2. The Head of an Ojf,
or the Symbol of their God. 3. The top of the
Tabernacle with five burning Lamps. 4. A little
Pyramid upon which is the Figure of the Sun,
5. Another, upon which is the Figure of the
Moon. 6. A Lamp to the honour of the Moon.
7. A Lamp to the honour of the Sun. 8. Two
Curtains which cover the Concavity of the Ta^
bernacle on the ordinary Days, 9. The Conca-
vity of the Tabernacle adorned with Sky-colour
and Stars of Gold, - reprefenting the Firmament,
in which God appears. 10, Their God fliewing
Jiimfelf to the People, in the (hape of an Ox.
II. II. TvC\D Lamps burning to tlie honour of
their God. 12. 12. Two Pyramids upon which
are the ten Stars which are worfhipped. ( And
all thefe things are made of Gold or Silver.)
13. The Gridiron upon which the Hearts of the
young Children are burn'd. 14. The Furnace of
Fire for burning thena. 15. 15. The Chimneys
ty which the Smoke goes out. 16. The Cal-
djoq
26 A Defcription of
dron in which the Fle(h of the Sacrifice is
boyled. 17. The Furnace of Fire for boyl-
ing them. 18. The San8:uary, or the place
in which the young Children are llain.
1 9. The Pic in which their Blood and Bodies
are placed. 20. The holy place, wherein the
Beafts are flain for Sacrifice. 21. A Marble
Structure, in which is a Gridiron. 22. A Stone
Strutture that encompafleth the Caldron in the
form of an Altar. 23. The flnoke of a Furnace.
24. The round part of the Roof. 2?. The
Wall.
This is the Figure of the Tabernacle ( as the
firft was of the Temple ) which Ffalmanaazaar
commanded to be built.
The firft Temple was built in the Capital City
Xternetfa^ and the Tabernacle was plac'd in it.
And after thefe were finifhed, every Magiftrate
m the feveral Cities and Villages took an ac-
count how many Sons there were in each Family,
that they might be obliged to furnifh their pro-
portion for the Sacrifices that were to be offered
to this new God, according to the number of
Sons that was in every Family. All things be-
ing thus prepared, a great Feftival of ten days
was celebrated, and every day of the ten 2000
Infants were facrificed : And then after the Fe-
ftival was ended, and the laft Sacrifice was of-
fered, their new God began to appear in the
(hape of an Ox, and fpoke to the People, and
to VJalmanaazaa}\ and dilated to him what-
foever he would have done to his Honour.
Here ends the firft part of the Jarhabaiioni^
I (hall not pretend to make any Obfervations, but
leave the Reader to his own Refieaions, he may
Mieve as he pleafeth, or reje£l the whole ^ for
my part I can eafily be perfuaded that they are
Fables
the Ijle Formofa. 7j
Fables invented by the Prielts, and gradually In-
troduced and impofed on an ignorant People, im-
plicitely fubmitting to their Tyranny.
The fecond part of the Jarhabadiond begins
with God's Commands to Vfalmanaazaai\ fay-
ing, Thou Jloalt caufe the Yeople to divide the Tear
into ten Months^ which ye Jhall call by the names
of the ten Stars^ Vyl. Dig, Damen, Analmen,
Anioul, Dattibes, Dabes, Anaber, Nechem, Ko-
riam, Turbam. Every Month Jhall have four
Weeks^ and five of thefe Months fhall have 37
Days^ viz. the firji^ third^ fifi^-> Seventh and
ninth^ the other five fhall have only 36 Days :
Every Week fhall have nine Days^ but in the
Months which have 97 T)ays^ the laft Week flmll
have ten Days^ and the i oth Day fhall be a Day
of Eafting,
Let them begin the Tear from this Day^ which
fhall be the fir ft of the Month Dig, and then they
fhall Sacrifice to me 20000 Boys under the Age
of nine Tears : But upon the fame Day eVcry
Tear I require only the Hearts of 18000 Boys,
The fir ft Day of every Month they fi)all jacri-
fice to me in the Temples of every Difiri{?^ loco
Beafly^ viz. 300 Bulls^ ^oo Sheep -^ dnd Calves
and Lambs io compleat the number, fowls of all
forts fhall be for the weekly Sacrifice. Every
Frecinti Jhall carefully obferve to furnifi) their
proper Sacrifices.
I have told you already in my Preface, that
this great annual Sacrifice of Infants doth not fo
much depopulate the Ifland as the Europeans con-
ceive, idly^ I have only affufd you, that the
Law requires fo many Children every Year. I
darp not fay that the Priefts facrifice the full
number, for I can fcarce believe they do, for this
matter is wholly left to them, who ( (hould they
facrifice
^8 A Description of
Sacrifice but looo) can eafily perfuade us that
the number is compleat. Befides, no Layman
dares bufily enquire about this or any other reli-
gious Affair, upon the penalty of being burn'd
alive 5 which is the Punifliment of Unbelievers,
as the Priefts call them. Neither did they ever (as
far as my weak Memory ferves me) require all a
Man's Sons to thedeftruftionof aFamily. Befides,
Money, that I find rules all things, is a Remedy
here alfo •, for a Man that is not willing to part
with his darling Son, may eafily redeem him by
largely bribing the High Prieft and the Great Sa-
crificator , of which I my felf am an Example.
My Father had three Sons by his firft
Wife, of which I was the youngeft •, my el-
deft Brother was free from being facrific'd as
the Law dire£ls, the fecond was but a Year and
a half Old when his Heart was broyled, and be-
fore the turn came to me, I was near eight Years
of Age ^ my Father was extremely concern'd for
ine, efpecially becaufe my Brother was almoft
eat pp with a Cancer, for it had devoured his
right fide fo much, that we could 'fee his Inte-
ftines or Entrails, and we did notexpeft he would
live above twenty or thirty Days longer-, my
Father then confidering the fliort Life of my
Brother, and that hefhould have no Heir or Sue-
ceflbr if I was facrific'd ( for the Children of his
other Wives could not fucceed, unlefs he gave
more than the third part of his Eftate to the
Emperor to purchafe the right of Inheritance )
he went to the High Prieft, and us'd all the Ar-
guments he could invent to induce him to fpare
me. The High Prieft reply'd, He was forry it
happened fo, but that the Laws of God were to
be preferred to the good of a Family, and even
of the whole Country. My Father anfweredj
He
the Ifle Formofa. 2p
He would willingly give one of his Daughters, or
his eldeft Son : but the High Prieft lee him know
that Females were not allow'd but in cafes of
the utmoft neceffity ( as when Males could not
be found : ) And as for my Brother, he was not
a proper Sacrifice for three Reafons : F/r/?, Be-
caufe he was the eldeft Son of the firft Wife,
2dfy^ He was i6 Years of Age. ^dfy. His Can-
cer rendered him unclean. At laft my Father,
feeing nothing would do but Money, ofFer'd him
a large Sum to accept of my Brother. This Argu-
ment prevail'd •, fo my Father fent the Money
and my Brother. Thus for Gain the High Prieft
fpar'd me, and tranfgreffed three Laws by facrifi-
cing my elder Brother.
It is here to be remember'd, that when the Pro-
phet Vfalmanaazaar enquir'd of his God what
the People (hould do if at any time they could
not find fo great a number of Boys, he received
this Anfwer^ l^et the "People infuch neceffity Sa-
crifice their Daughters under the Age of nine Teary^
firft purifying them by caufing them to pafs twelve
times through the four Elements^ which is now
thus obferved ^ whenfoever a young Maiden is to
be facrificed, one of the Priefts taketh her naked
before the Gate of the Temple, where there is
a proper Office for thefe Ceremonies •, firft he
burieth her in Earth up to the Neck twelve times,
then he as often dippeth her in the Water, after-
wards he caufeth her to pafs twelve times thro'
the flame of a little burning Rice-ftraw ^ and iaftly,
as many times thro' the Air, and then fhe is carri-
ed into the Temple as one fit to be facrificed.
I could produce other inftances of Men
that have redeem'd their Children from Sacri-
fice, by giving the Priefts Money proportion-
able to the Quality of the Child ^ but this is
fafficient
50 A Description of
fufficient to (hew that there is more Intereft than
Devotion in thefe Sacrifices, as well as in many
other things of this Pagan Religion.
CHAP. V.
Of the Fejii^als.
THEY fhall celebrate two great Feftivals to
my Honour ^ the firft at the beginning of
the New Year, which fhall laft for a whole
Week ^ and the fecond in the laft Week of the
5;th Month, which (hall alfo laft for nine Days.
The firft and laft of thefe Days fhall'be obferv'd
by rifing early in the Morning and adoring, and
after they have wor(hipped, they (liall come into
the Temple, and pray and fing Hymns from one
a Clock until two : At two a Clock they (hall
go to a Fountain or River without the City, and
there they (hall throw Water upon their Heads
twelve times, and then they (hall return into the
Temple, they (hall go and return all together,
and while they are on the way., which (hall take
up the fpace of an Hour in going and returning,
they (hall be all the while Praying : And after
they are return'd, the Beafts fhall be (lain, and
divided into fmall parts, and purified and boyl'd
in their Blood and a little Water ^ and every one
fhall come before the Altar, and take a piece of
the Flefh from the hand of the Prieft, and (hall
eat it, bending his left Knee, and bowing his
Head down to the Ground ^ and during all that
time the Inftruments of Mufick (hall play, and
the finging Men and all the People prefent (hall
fing
the Ifle Formofa. g i
fing Hymns together. ( But if it be New-Years
Day, then inftead of Beafts, they (hall iSacrifice
the 18000 Children in manner following, The
High-Prieft fhall firft cut off their Heads, then
with a great Knife he fhall divide their Breafis,
and pull out their Hearts, which fhall be car-
ly'd into the burning-place, and there reduced to
Afhes : The remaining parts of their Bodies fhall
be thrown into a Pit made for that purpofe.")
The time of flaying and offering the Sacrifices
fhall laft for three Hours, vis. from three a Clock
till fix ^ and at fix there fhall be a Sermon, or
an Explication of the firft Principles of Religion,
and then a Thankfgiving ♦, which being ended,
they fhall return home, and continue there Eat-
ing and Drinking until the fecond Hour : After
which they fhall return to the Temple again, and
continue there until the fixth Hour, praying and
finging, with the Inftruments of Mufick play-
ing ^ and then there fhall be again a LeSure up-
on the Catechetical Doftrines, which being end-
ed, they fhall return home and recreate ihem-
felves with any lawful Diverfions.
On other Days, between the firft and laft of
the Month, they fhall rife in the Morning and
worfliip, they fhall throw Water upon their
Heads three times, and then go to the Temple
and ftay there from the firft Hour to the fixth.
After the fixth they fhall return home, and then
they may follow any lawful Employment.
But here the Reader is defif d to take notice.
That the Day with us is divided into four parts,
and each part into fix Hours ^ when therefore it
is faid, They fhall ftay in the Temple from the
firft Hour to the fixth, it is to be underftood they
(hall ftay from 6 a Clock to 12, according ro the
way of reckoning time in Europe.
They
^2 A Defcription of
They fliall call the firft and laft Day of the
FelHval a double Fealt, and the other Days fitn-
ple Fealts. On the firft Day of the Month they
(hall celebrate a double Feafl", and on the fecond
a fimple Feaft, and they fhall facrifice Oxen and
Sheep, ^c. and (hall eat of them. The firft
Day of the Week fhall be a double Feaft,and they
fiall facrifice Fowls and eat of them.
Note, That a Feftival is therefore called dou-
ble, becaufe the People go twice to the Temple
on that Day, and it is call'd fimple becaufe they
go but once.
And farther it is to be noted, that inftead of
Clocks and Watches, we meafure time by an In-
Urument made of Wood, in the form of an Hour-
Glafs, which being filfd with Sand or Water,
runs all out in the fpace of an Hour : And this
being obferv'd by certain Watchmen appointed
on purpofe lor that end, as foon as the Sand or
Water is run out, they beat a Drum, and give
notice what Hour it is, which is the Cuftom
us'd in all Cities •, but the Country People judge
as exaftly as they can what Hour it is by the
Sun, Moon or Stars.
CHAP. vr.
Of Fajiing-Days.
GOD fa id moreover to P/almanadzaar^ befides
thofe five Days aforefaid, they fhall ob-
ferve two Fafts : The firft fhall be in the laft
Week of the Year, which fhall laft for eight
Days, and it fhall be a Preparation for the New
Year ;
the Ijle Formofa. 33
Year : The fecond fhall be in the third Week of
the fifth Month, and it (hall alfo lafl for eight
Days. On ihele Falling Days they Qiall neither
eat nor drink any thing until the Sun fets *, but
after it is fet, every one may eat and drink to
the full. On thefe Fafting-Days they may pray
to me, but on your common Days they fhall not
d^re to adore me. Thefe Fafts fhall be obferv'd
after this manner. When they rife in the Morn-
ing they fhall worfhip, and then wafh their Head,
and Hands, and Feet, and after that every one
(hall employ himfelf in fome lawful Bufinefs j
but neither they nor their Cattel fhall eat or
drink any thing all that Day until the Sun-fet.
Thefe Fafts fhall be every Year obferved as they
are prefcrib'd : And indeed they are fo rigoroufly.
obferv'd, that a Man would fooner dye fbrthirft
than tafte a drop of Water on thefe Days ^ and
all the Cattel are fhut up in fuch places^ where
they have nothing to eat all Day -5 and all ea^
ables are laid up where they cannon be feen, left
any one fhould be tempted to break the Faft :
In fine, thefe are true Fafts^ and ftriftly kept, as
far as humane frailty will permit, and not like?
the Fafts of the Papifts, wherein they can Feaft
upon Fifh and Wine. For many Infants have pe-
rifh'd for want of a little Milk, our Fathers and
Mothers choofing to fee (not only their Cat('^i,but)
even their Children dye rather than break the
Law,
CHAR
24 A Defcription of,
CHAP. VIL
Of the Ceremonies to be ufed on Fejii-
<zjaUDays.
ON the double Feftlvals the People wafli their ."
Head, Hands and Feet, and then they go to '
the Temple, where the Jarhabadiond is piablict-
ly read before them all by one of the Priefts^ arid
after that is read, they all of them fall pfoHrate
on the Ground, and the Priefts return thaiiks to
their God with a loud Voice, who of his infinite •
Mercy has call'd them to the true Knowledge of '
himlelf, the People in the mean time joynlng in*
their Hearts with the w^ords of thePrieft, ' After
the thankfgiving the People rife ' up, and fome!
Hymns made by the Chief Priefts are fung„ tKe
Flute, and Tymbrel, and other Inftruments of"
Mufick playing all the while : Then the Priefts
begin to pray for theSantlificationof the Viftims,
and after that they flay them and receive the
Blood into a Copper ^ they divide the Flefh into
piqces, and then Boil it with the filood in aChal-"
dron which is upon the Altar ^ while the Flefh is'
a boiling, the Chief Piieft prays to God, that he
would be pleas'd to accept thefe Sacrifices for the
Remiffion of the Sins of the People : And after
the^Flefh is boil'd, the People draw near before
the*Altar, and every one of them receives a piece
of it from the hand of the Prieft, bowing down
his Head, and bending his left Knee, when he
takes it -/and all this time the reft are finging,
and the Inftruments of Mufick playing. After
thefe Ceremonies are ended, a Prieft goes up to
a place higher than the feats of the People, and
there he preaches and initruds the People, who
ask
^ the IJle Formofa 5 ^
asK hirtr Queftions, and he anfwers them. Ac
laft thanks are returned, and prayers are made for
all things neceflary, and then all the People go
home to Dinner, where they are to continue only
for the fpace of two Hours, which is all the time
allow'd them between Morning and Evening Ser-
vice •, during which time they mult not indulge
themfelves 10 excefs, or do any thing that's un-
lawful, but behave themfelves very modeftly ;
and then they return to the Temple, Vs^here the
fame Ceremonies are us'd as were in the Morn-
ing, except the Sacrifices ; And the Service being
ended, they go to their own Houfes, and after
Supper they may walk, play, or ufe any other
lawfiil_Recreation ^ but they mult not doany fer-
vile Work on that Day.
Simple Feftivals are celebrated after the fame
manner as the Vefpers of the double Feftivals.
It is farther to be remark'd, That on Feftival
Days, whilft. the Flefli of the Sacrifices ate boyl-
ing upon the Altar, the Tabernacle in which their
God is fuppos'd to dwell is open'd ^ and if their
God appears in the form of a Lyon, or a Bear,
or fome other fierce Bdaft, that then God is
thought to be angry with the People : And there-
fore in fuch a cafe the Tabernacle is to be Ihuc
up agaui, and new Sacrifices of Beafts are to be
ofFer'd, until God fhall appear in a milder Hiape,
viz, of an Ox, a Calf, a Lamb, or fuch like
Beafts : And if thefe Sacrifices of Beafts aie noc
fufficient to change the angry. God into another
fhape, then Infants are to be ofier'd in Sacrifice
unto him, until fuch time as their God appear-
ing in a more merciful form,, Ihews himfelf to
be pacify 'd and reconcifd unto the People : And
if^t any time he appears in the form of an Ele-
phant, then we hope that he will do great things
^rus, D 7 Th«
36 A Defcription of
ThePricfts therefore, efpecially the High Prieft,
are to prepare themfelves by Fafting and Prayer,
before they prefume to Ipeak to God in lecret,
and after they have been with him, they declare
to the People what he fays.
Tis yet farther to be noted, That their God
always aflumes the (hape of a mafculine Crea-
ture, and never of a female ^ from whence they
have been induc'd to believe, that a Woman is fa
impure, that (he can never attain to Happinels,
until (he be transformed into the Body either of a
Man, or fome male Beall. This Opinion is alfo
grounded upon other reafons, which I fliall men-
tion hereafter*
CHAP. VIIL
Of the EleSiion of Priefis.
AFter this, their God fpoke to Vfaimdnaa-
zaat\ and faid. They fliall choofe one
Prieft, who fliall prefide over all the reft in the
whole Ifle, and he (hall give power to others to
exercife the Prieflly Office. This High Prieft
fhall never marry a Wife while he continues in
his Office, but if his Conftiturion obliges him to
marry, then the other Priefts fhall ^choofe ano-
ther in his room, and he fliall refign his Office^
and marry when he pleafes. The other inferiour
Priefts may marry and keep one Wife, except
they be Regulars •, and then they are oblig'd to
continue unmarried, and to live in Convents with
their Brethren under one Superior, who fliall ad-
mit them to the prieftly Office. But if thefe Re-
gulars
the Ifte Formofa. 37
gulars alfo fliould have a vix)lent inclination to
marry, then they muft firft leave the Convent,
and refign their Office, and after that they may
marry. The Office of thefe Regulars, is to in-
ftruft the Youth in the Principles of their Reli-
gion, to teach them to read and write, and wbat-
foever elfe may conduce to their Edification.
Befides, thefe Regulars are obliged to lead religi-
ous Lives, and to cloath thennfelves in diftin-
guifhing Habits : They are to (have their Head,
but not to cut their Beard •: They are to wear a
Gown that does not open before or behind, and
a Hood upon their Heads : And laftly, they may
retire from the World, and live in defart places,
if they think fit to choofe fuch an auftere kind
of Life.
It is wonderful to fee what an auftere Life
thefe Regular Priefts embrace. Some of rhem
will leave their Monafl:eries and feek after lonely
Cells in the remoteft parts of a Wildernefs ,
where they will continue for the fpace of 20,
30, 40 Years or more, lying upon the Ground or
dry leaves, and eating nothing but the Herbs and
Fruits of the Defart ^ and even faft from this un-
nourifhing Dyet very frequently : And to add to
their mortification, they take with them long and
hard Whips, with which they fcourge themfelves
feverely.
Some of them indeed will come about the time
of the two great Feftivals, and affift at the pub-
lick Sacrifices ^ where the People look 'upon
them with as great admiration and refpeS: as if
they were already deify 'd : And truly this Itrift
Penance and barbarous way of mortifying them-
felves makes them look fo wildly, that I believe
an European viould fcarce take them to be Men.
¥Jhen the Feltivals are ended, this fort of Re-
P 3 gular
;^ S A Defer iptiort jf
gular Priefts get a little Cart drawn by an Qx,
with which they go begging from Houfe to
Houfe : Some People give them Drinks, ptheys
Roots, others Fruits, one one thing, another ano»
i:her ^ if Money be ofFer'd to them, fome will
accept of that alfo : When their Cart is ioaden,
they retire to the Wildernefs, and fpaft upon
v;har they got in the Town ^ which being con-
fum'd, they renew their Penance again.
Others, after a long ftay in the Wildernefs,
will return to the City, and run about the Streets
a Week together, preaching and crying Weep^
Weep, and aO: much like Madmen, but the Peo-,
pie vvonderfully admire them. After many Ser-
itions and Exhortations, and recitals of their
Lives and Contemplations in the Defart, and
when they have with great Indignation told the
Spectators how weary they are of the World,
they contrive ways to deftroy themfelves •, thus
fome will go upon the River in a Boat, and caft
themfelves into the Water ^ others will hang
thetpfelves upon Trees, in the Highways, ^c,
lio fooner are they dead, but the People burn
their Bodies with as great Pomp as if they had
been Noblenaen. The Boat, the Rope, or the
Inllruments of their Deaths are hung in the Tem-
ples, with Pitlures to their Honour ^ all which
is done by Money collected amongft the admiring
Crowd. Thus nature has provided various ways
for Men weary of their Lives to eafe them-
felves..
As their God had commanded, fo did F/alma-
vaazaar. He created one ancient Philofopher of
the Royal Progeny, High Prieft, to whom he
gave the power of ordaining all the other inferi-
our Priefts • This High Prieft therefore chofe
fhrpi out of the Citizens of every City, whom
the Ifle FormoC^x. 39
he ordained Priefts, and one In every Village,, un-
til fuch time as Temples were every where built:
And then the number of Prieirs was more en-
creas'd, infomuch that in phe- City Xternetfa the
number grew at lalt to. 160, and was proportion-
ably augmented in other places, whether Cities
or Villages. VJalmanaazaar eft^bliih'd alfo a,Mo-
naftery m Xtemetja^ and in many other Ciiie^,
in which the Regulars were to live according rt>
the Rules above-mention'd, which were prefcilb'd
-by their God. Laftly, He gave order, Tnat ithis
High Prieft (hould ordain in every City one Prieit
who might ordain others ^ and he was call'd the
Chief Sacrificator, and has the power to ordain
other fubordinate Prieftsa^nd Sacrificators. , Tliefe
are the Rites and Cejemonies delivered to the P;?^-
mofans from;^ their God, by his Prophet Ffcilmq'
naazaar^ which have been ever fince obferved iii
their Country; .
The High Prieft's Succefibr muft be one of
the Chief Sacrificators : Whenfoever therefore he
is fickj or when he is J^5 Years of Age, then he
is oblig'd to make his Will, in order to fettle the
Succeffion of his Dignity .-, and then he lends for
the feven Chief Sacrificatgrs, out of whom, afie;r
a fhort Ipeech to them, he nameth Three gr Four
( I am not very pofitive in the number) as Candi-
dates for the Office : So.foon.as he is dead^ the
Sacrificators not named a$- Candidates,, aniitnany
other common Priefts of the Illand, appointed as
EleQiors, meet in the capital Temple XicrnetJ\
and after the Sacrifice of vaQ: .uumbers of Bealts
and Fpwls, they fend to acquaint the Vice-Roy,
who comes to the Tempit; and compliments the
Affembly ^ then he repeats the names of thefe
Three or Four Candidates for the High Prieft's
Office, and defires the Eleflors to confider whom
D 4 they
^o A Defcription of
they think moft fit for it ^ quickly after, his Se-
cretary goes to every Member of the Aflembly,
and gives him a piece of Paper and a Pencil to
write the name of the Candidate for whom he
voteth •, when this is done, he returns with the
Tickets to the Vice-Roy, who reads them with
an audible Voice, and he that hath the moft
Suffrages is declared High Prieft •, but if two of
the Candidates have equal Votes, then the Vice-
Roy has the calling Voice, and fo declares which
he pleafetb.
Here it is to be oblerved, F/>/?, That no Wo-
men muft entq: the Temple during the Eleftion,
under the penalty of having their two great Toes
cut off.
2^/k, If the High Prieft dyed fuddenly, and
had not time to make his Will, then the Vice-
Roy nameth Three or Four Candidates, and the
Eleftors proceed as before.
^d/y. The High Prieft is not allowed fo much
as one Wife, but moft of the Great Sacrificators
have Wives •, therefore he that is chofen High
Prieft is obliged to buy an Eftate with Houfe and
Gardens, where (he and her Family muft live,
( for his former Houfe belong'd to him as Sacri-
licator, and is now the right of his Succeffor in
that Office) and after he has bidden a farewel
to his Wife and Children, he takes poflTeflion of
the High Prieft's Palace •, but yet he goes fome-
times to vifit his Wife and Family, and is obli-
ged to give his Children Portions when they
marry.
Now the Names of all the feveral kinds of
Priefts in our Language are thefe : The High
Prieft is calPd Gmoy Bonzo • the Chief Sacrifica-
tor is calPd Gnotoy Tarhaiiazar ^ the inferior Sa-
crificators are cali'd Os Tarhaiiazors 5 the Priefts
who
the Ifle Formofa. 4 1
who read the Book of the Law and the Prayers,
are call'd Ches Bonzos, The lecular Prielb are
caird Bonzos Leydos , and the regular Bonzos
Roches^ and the Superior who is fet over the Re-
gulars is caird Bonzo SoulletQ-^ the Matters who
teach the young Children, are call'd Gnofophes
Bonzos •, and laftly, the Preachers are call'd Bon-
zos Jatupnos,
The Office of the High Prieft is to ordain o-
thers, to fpeak to God in private, and declare his
Will to all the other Priefts. and to chaltifethofe
who do not faithfully difcharge their Office.
The Office of the Chief Sacrificator is to or*
dain other Priefts within his own PrecinQ, which
is as it were his Diocefe, to rule over them, and
to take care of the Sacrifices, but chiefly of the
Infants that are to be facrific'd •, for which end he
is to take an account how many Boys each Fami-
ly can furnifh, and to admonifli them in time to
fend in their number.
Moreover, he alone is to cut the Throats of th$
Infants, and pluck out their Hearts ^ others arq
to lay them upon the Gridiron, but he is to pray
publickly all the time they are a burning.
The Office of the fubordinate Sacrihcators, is
to flay the Beafts, to wa(h and boil them, and di-
ftribute pieces of their Flefli to the People ^ and
fome of them are obliged to pray with the High
Prieft all the time that thefe things are a doing.
The Office of the fecular Priells is various j
for fome of them are Readers, others Preachers,
or Inftruftors of Youth, and others of them look
after the Temple and Tabernacle, to fee that all
the Utenfils belonging to them be kept in good
order. ^
The regular Priefls, as I have already told you,
life to inftruft Youth, and to preach , but more-.
over,
42 A DefcriptioH of
over, they fliould live retir'd from the Worlds
prefcrve Chaftity , and continue in Celibacy 5
they fliould fubmit themfelves to their Supe-
riors, faft once a Week, and by all means im-
prove in Vertue. But if once they be debauch'd,
they do no longer obferve the Rule deliver'd, as
they believe, by their God, and their Anceftors.
And here it is to be noted, That thefe Regu-
lars do not make fuch Vows as the Popifli Monks
do, for they only take the Vow of Celibacy ^ nei-
ther do they vow that foabfolutely, but that they
are ftill left at liberty (if they find they cannot
refrain from Women) to leave the Monaftery,
and then to marry : But they make no Vows of
a blind Obedience to their Superiors, of an affeO:-
ed Poverty and Humility, and of renouncing the
Riches of this World. The only general Law of
thefe Societies is this •, Whofoever finds himfelf
fit and difpofed to embrace a retir'd kind of Life,
provided he be pious, learned and fincere, whether
ne be rich or poor, is to be admitted into a Con-
vent •, and when he enters, he is to bring with
him that part of his Father's Eftare that belongs
to him, and add it to the Revenues of the Con-
vent. But if he be oblig'd , out 6f a defire ,of
marrying, to leave it, then all the Goods he
brought with him into the Convent are reftor'd
to him, and neceflary Food and Raiment are gra^
tis given him while he continued in it. But if
he require any thing extraordinary over and above
the common Allowance of the Convent, as fome
do, then this is to be furnifhed at his own pro-
per charge •, yet he is never permitted to go out
of the bounds of the Convent until he leave it
for good and all. If any one die in the Convent,
he is to leave all his Goods to it ^ and while he
lives in it, he is to obey his Superior in all things
which
the Ifk Formofa. 43
which concern their Rules, but no farther : For
if any Superior fhould command one of the Re-
gulars to eat only Roots , while others fare dcii-
cioufly, he may refufe to obey him : But this
is a Cafe that has rarely happened.
Thus all Religious Rites and Ceremonies are
adminiftred by one High Prieft, by fome Sacrifica-
tors, and fome that are fubordinate to them, and
by regular and fecular Priefts. But becaufe all
that has been hitherto faid relates only to the
Worfhip of their God, we (hall now add fome-
thing concerning the way of Worfhipping the
Sun, Moon and Stars, which are their ancient
vifible Deities.
CHAR IX,
Concerning the Worfhip of the Sun ^
Moon and Stars.
M'
rOreover , the God of formoj'a faid unto
_. J. FJalmanaazaar ^ fpeak unto the People
and fay, It fhall not be lawful for you on com-
mon days to invoke or worfhip me, but only the
Sun, Moon, and Ten Stars, which I have ap-
pointed Governors to rule the World, and to pro-
vide all things necelfary fpr you ^ and ye fhall
lacrifice the fame Beafts to them as ye do to me,
but none of your Infants (hall be offered up in fa-
crifice to them, for this is my peculiar Wor-
fhip : And after this manner ye fliall worfliip
and adore them.
In the Morning at the firft Hour, at leaft on
rte cpmmon Pays, ye (hall rife up, and thrown
Water
jj.^ A Defcription of
Water thrice upon your Head, and then ye fhall
afcend to the Roofs of your Houfes, and there ye
Ihall adore the Sun and Five Stars , and pray
JO them, not for any thing in particular, but only
in general, that they would grant you fuch things
as they know to be neceffary for you, and return
them thanks for the Favours ye have formerly
received from them. And in the Night-time, at
the firft Hour , ye (hall worfhip the Moon and
the other Five Stars, after the fame manner. For
ye muft know, that the Sun is the rirft and molt
excellent Creature which I have created to go-
vern you, and to him I have given power of
conferring Benefits upon you, according as you
deferve well of me and him. The Moon I have
plac'd in the next degree below him, and tha
Ten Stars like wife in their proper places, as be-
ing inferior to the other two. But if ye negleft
to worfhip them , I have given them power not
only to keep back the good things they can be-
itow, but alfo to do you mifchief, by affll£ling
your Bodies with grievous Difeafes, by deftroy-
ing the Fruits of your Ground , and poyfoning
the Air with Feftilential Vapors : And therefore
ye (hall account it your daily Duty on the com-
mon Days to worfhip and adore them, after the
manner afore- prefcribed. Moreover, ye (hall ob-
ferve three Feltivals iji the Year, one to the ho-
nour of the Sun, another to the honour of the
Moon , and a third to the honour of the Ten
Stars. The firft fliall be in the fjrft Week of the
fecond Month called Damen^ and (hall lall from
the third until the ninth Day of the Week. The
fecond (hall be in the firft Week of the fifth
Month called Dattibes^ and (hall laft from the
third unto the ninth Day of the Week. The
third fhall bs in the third Week of the eighth
Month
the Ifle Formofa, 45
Month called Koriam^ and (hall laft from the
fifth to the ninth Day of the Week.
Ye (hall make choice of a Mountain on which
ye (hall build three Altars, one to the honour of
the Sun, another to the honour of the Moon, and
the third to the honour of the Ten Stars. Every Ci-
ty (hall chufe fuch a Mountain to it felf, in fome
place near adjoining, in which all the Citizens and
Country-men (hall meet together on the firft and
laft Day of their Feftival, and there ye (hall facri-
fice the fame number of Beafls as ye do to me.
Ye (hall not eat of the Flefh of them, but con-
fume it wholly in the Fire, and every one (hall
carry home with him part of the A(hes. During
all thefe Feftival Days ye (hall not work at your
ordinary Trades ^ but after the Sacrifice is ended,
ye may ufe any lawful Recreation. The Sacrifice
(hall begin at the fecond Hour in the Morning ,
and (hall laft until the fixth : But at Night
every Family (hall wor(hip on the top of their
Houfe, as they ufe to do on the common Days,
the Sun, Moon and Stars, at leaft all of them to-
gether. On the Days between the firft and laft
of the Feftival, ye (hall go to the Mountain, not
to offer Sacrifice there, but for Adoration, and
then ye (hall fing and play upon Inftruments of
Mufick. The High Prieft (hall take care to ap-
point other Priefts to do Sacrifice to them : And
thefe Priefts (hall have leave to keep two Wives
and no more.
Thefe Rules of Wor(hip Tfalmanaazaar deli-
vered as from our God to the People ^ where-
upon the Citizens of every City built three Altars
upon a Mountain , after the fafhion reprefented
in the following Figure.
/^6 A Description of
The Third Figure explained*
I. The Image of the Sun. 2. 2. Two Pots of
Incenfe, wherein Incenfe is burnt before the Sun
on its Feaft Days. 3. The top of the Altar*
4. The Altar. 5. The Holy Place in which the
Beafts are llain. 6. The Place in which they are
burnt. 7, and 8, 8, 8. The Stone-wall wherewith
it is encompafs'd.
The Fourth Figure explain d,
a. The Image of the Moon. h. Two Incenfe-
pots fmoking on the Feftival Day. c. The top
of the Altar, d. The Altar, e. The Holy Place
wherein the Beafts are flain. /. The Place where^
they are burnt, g, g. The Wall that encompaf^*-
fes the Altar.
The Fifth Figure explain d,
A. Dig. B. Damen, C. An aim en. D, Aniouh ^
E, 'Dattibes. E Dabes. G. Anaber. K Nechem;^
J. Koriam, K. Turbam, which are the Names of'
the Stars that are adord. L. The top of the Altar,
ill. ;H. Two Incenfe-pots. A^. The Altar. O.The
Holy Place in which the Beafts are flain. P. The
Place in which, they are burnt. ^ ^ The Wall.
Let us fuppofe then that the Paper is the Moun-
tain, on the top of it is built an Altar to the Sun,
and in a Place a little below that is built one to
the Moon, and in a Place yet lower there is one
to the Ten Stars.
Thus the People did punftually obey the Com-
luands of our God, and his Orders as to Religious
Worfhip are ftriSly obferv'd to this very Day.
CHAP.
J'aa .'4'^''
% Mi,
Tht ^Itar of
the Sun.
S 1 s
The ^iiar of
the Ifle Formofa. 47
CHAP. X.
Of the Pojiures of the Body in Adoring.
THE Formofans in adoring God, ufe various
Poftures of Body according to the feveral
Parts of Religious WorOiip they are performing.
[But whether the JarhabadiondtyL^xdly mentions
thefe Poftures, or whether they have fince been
invented by the Priefts, I cannot determin ^ how-
ever, commanded or not, they are as follow :]
I. When the Jarhabadiond is publickly read in
their Temples, every one of them, at leaft if he
be capable of doing it, bends a little the right
Knee, and lifts up the right Hand towards Hea-
ven. 2. When Thanks are given to God , then
all of them fall proftrate on the Ground. 3. Af-
ter the Thankfgiving, when they fing Songs or
Hymns, they are to ftand up with their Hands
Join'd together. 4. When Prayers are made for
the fan£lification of the Sacrifices, then every one
bends the left Knee , and ftretches out his Arms
wide open. But when the Vi^ims are a flaying,
every one may fit upon the ground (for they have
no Seats or Pews, fuch as you ufe here in E/ig-
land J only the richer fort have a Cufliion to fit
on J while the Fle(h is a boiling, every one ftands
with his Hands join'd together, looking towards
the upper part of the Tabernacle. After the Flefh
IS boird, every one of the People takes a piece
of theFlefli from the Prieft and eats it, and what
remains, the Priefts keep for themfelves.
When all thefe Ceremonies are ended, the Ta-
bernacle is opened, and then every one for fome
time
^8 A Defcription of
time lies proftrate on the ground to adore -, and
after they rife up, they may look upon their God,
and if he appears in thefhape of an Ox, or fuch-
like tame Beaft, then they leap for joy, becaufe
they believe that God is well-pleas'd with them :
But if he appears in the fhape of a Lion, then they
think fome great Crime has been committed ^
whereby God is much offended , and therefore
they endeavour by new Sacrifices to appeafe him*
After the Tabernacle is open' d and every one has
ador'd, then there is a Sermon, and while that
lafts, the People Itand •, and after Sermon, there
is a (hort Prayer, and then a Thankfgiving •, af-
ter which, the People bow down their Body, and
touch the ground vvith the Fore finger of their
right Hand, and then depart.
When the Sun, Moon and Stars, areador'd up-
on the Mountain, then they bend the right Knee,
and hold up the right Hand toward Heaven ^
when that Chz^tQX oi'j^arhabadio72d\s read, where-
in our God commands them to worfhip, the fame
Pofture of Body is obferv'd as in their Songs and
Hymns, they Itand with their Hands join'd toge-
ther. In their Prayers, they bend the left Knee
and ftretch out their Arms. At their Thankfgi-
ving the People Itand, looking towards Heaven
with their Arms extended and wide open ^ and
the fame Polture they ufe on their common Days,
when they worfhip the Sun and the five Stars :
But at Night, when they worfhip the Moon and
the five Stars, they ftand with their Hands join'd
together. And this is all that is remarkable, as
to the feveral Poftures of the Body they ufe in
their Religious Worfhip.
CHAP.
the Ijle Formolao 45?
CHAP. XL
Of the Ceremonies that are obfer^'d at
the Birth of Children.
BY the Command of our God, the following
Ceremonies are obferv'd at the Birth of Chil-
dren. I ft, When the Mother feels the time of
Birth approaching, (he ought to ofl^er Sacritices
to the Ten Stars, more or lefs precious according
to her Ability. After iTie is brought to Bed of
a Child, (he is to keep the Infant until the firft
Day of the Week, and on that Day fhe is to wafh
her felf and the Infant, and go unto the Temple
with her Husband, and to carry the Infant with
her, and there to offer a Sacrifice to our God ;
but if (lie is too weak to go, ( as it frequently
happens, ) then one of the other Wives, or feme
other Woman, (if the Husband has but one Wife)
goes and offers Sacrifice in her Name. Then
Prayers are made for the Infant, and Thanks are
return'd for her fafe Delivery : Then the Mother
and Father do folemnly promife, that they (hall
be ready to deliver up the Child ( if it be a Son,
and not the Firft-born,) to be facrific'd to the
Honour of God, whenfoever it (hall be call'd for.
Then a fmall Fire being kindled of Straw, the
chief Sacrificator takes the Child, and makes ic
pafs through the Flame twelve times ^ after which
there comes another Frieft , and anoints the
Child's Skin with Oil. All thefe things being
ended, the Mother takes the Child, and the Prieft
having read the Thankfgiving, (he returns hom«
with it i where it is ufual upon fuch oceaOons,
E tor
i^o A Defer iption of
for the Father and Mother to make an Entertain-
ment for their Kindred, Friends, and fome of the
Priefts.
When the Child arrives at nine Years of Age^
then the Child is to go on a Feftival Day unto
the Temple with its Father and Mother, and there
to make a Vow unto God, that fince h€ was pleas'd
not to defire him for a Sacrifice, he will faithful-
ly obferve whatfoever is commanded him in Jar-
habadiond: And the Father and Mother do pro-
mife on their paK, that they will do whatever lies
in their power for the Honour of God. And then
the Prieft reads a Prayer and Thankfgiving, and
they all return home. The firft Ceremony is call'd
Abdaldin^ or the Purification ^ the fecond is call'd
Blado^ or the Vow.
But here it is to be noted , That tho' we ufe
this Ceremony of Purification , yet we do it not
upon the account of any Original Sin in the In-
fant, which we are altogether ignorant of : And
yet becaufe our God has commanded this Purifi-
cation to be us'd, fome of them believe that it is
for the Corruption of our Nature ^ and others
that it is for the Sins of our Anceftors, and chiefly
of our Father and Mother : For we think that
God created this World in time, and made it as
populous the firft Day as we fee it now : But
we believe that God did not create Mankind in
the fame corrupt State in which it now is, but
that Men by degrees corrupted themfelves; and
that they do daily more and more degenerate from
their Primitive State, as we find too plainly by
experience. This is no Article of our Faith, but
only the Opinion of fome concerning the Crea*
tion of the World, and the State of the firft Men
created by God : But our Scripture makes no
mention of thefe things.
This
the Ijle Formofa 5 i
This is all that I can remember concerning Re-
ligion commanded by the Jarhahadiond , from
whence the Reader may eafily oblerve, that ic
contains no moral Precepts, only Rules and Di-
reftions for Rites and Ceremonies.
When the Prieft hath read the Book, he clofeth
it, and faith, Whofoever (liall willingly or care-
lefly cofftemn or tranfgrefs one of ihefe Com-
mands \hall be burn'd alive, i.e, according to
our Langugae, Yirejhall he his Death. But whe-
ther thefe words are in the jfarhabadwnd, or an
addition of Ches Bonzo^ I cannot tell : Yer this
I am certain of, that if a Man tranfgreffeth but
one Law (if he is not fubtil or rich enough to
redeem himfelf with Money,) the Prieft carrieth
him before the Great Sacrificator , and he before
the High Prieft, who fends him as a Criminal
to the Vice-Roy, commanding him to fentence
the Man to be burn'd alive ^ and the Vice Roy
is oblig'd to do it.
CHAP. XIL
Of our Marriage^ or Groutacho.
SINCE our God requires the Hearts of fo ma-
ny young Boys to be offered up in Sacrifice,
therefore left the whole Race of Mankind (houid
hy degrees be extirpated , he has permitted the
Men, at leafl thofe of the Laity, to keep more
Wives than one ^ [if they can in Englifn be pro-
perly caird Wives ^ for here by Wife, you mean
an Equal almoft in the Government of the Fami-
ly, but we efteem them as Slaves.] And fo iome
E 2 of
^2 A Defcription of
of them have 3, 4, 5;, 6, or more Wives, every
one according to his Eftate, whereby he is able
to maintain a greater or leflernumber -, but if any
one takes more Wives than his Means will main-
tain, he is to be beheaded : And therefore to pre-
vent this, before anf one marries a Wife, he is
to be examin'd whether he has fafficient Means
to maintain her : Thus they may hl^e many
Wives; that they may beget many Children
every. Year-, of whom, fome of the Sons are
facrific'd, but the Daughters are generally pre-
ferv'd for Matrimony, as will appear more ful-
ly hereafter.
In the mean time this is well worthy to be ob-
ferv'd, that neither the Brother can marry his
Sifter, nor the Brotlier's Son his Uncle's Daugh-
ter, nor an Uncle his Neece ; all Marriage with-
in thefe three degrees of Confanguinity (but not
within the other degrees) being fo abfolutely for-
bidden, that the High Prieft himfelf cannot di-
fpenfe with it. Whenever' therefore a Man in-
tends to take a Wife, (tho' he has one or more
before) he muft firft agree with the Father •, and
for this purpofe he chufeth a grave Friend, who
tinderftands fuch Matters, to propofe it to the
Father, and to inform him of what Family and
Eftate the Man is who defires to marry his Daugh-
ter : The Father always receives the Match-
maker kindly, treats him with a Pipe of the beft
Tobacco, and various Liquors, yet doth not agree
nor give a Denial that Day, but defers it to the
next, or the Day after, taking time to confider
of it, and perhaps toconfult his Wife and Daugh-
ter : After due confideration, he fends the Lo-
ver word by his Friend, that he gives his con-
fent^ and that is fufficienr, for he muft be obey'd.
But before he is married, he is to make known
his
the Ifle Formofa. 53
his defign to the Sacrificator, who is to enquire
whether he has fiifficient means to maintain this
Wife he intends to marry : And if he has, then
all the Friends and Relations are calFd together,
and the Bridegroom and Bride come along with
them to the Gate of the Temple, where they are
met by a Prieft, or the chief Sacrificator, who
asks them what they defire to have done ? To
which the Bridegroom and Bride anfwer, they
defire to be joyn'd together in Matrimony -, after
which anfwer they are permitted to enter into
the Temple. The reafon why they are thus in-
terrogated before their admifiion is this, becaufe
no Man may enter into the Temple with any
Woman but his Wife, except at the time when
he is to be married. Being thus introduced into
the Temple in order to their Marriage, which is
always to be celebrated on a fimple Feltival-Day,
viz. On the 2d Day of the Month, or any other
Day, except the firft and laft Days of the Great
Feftivals. They are firft to fay their Prayers,
and then to offer Sacrifice ; after which the Hus-
band promifes to be faithful to his Wife, /. e,
* That he will know no otiier Woman befides thofe
* to whom he is joyn'd in Matrimony, that he
* will exercife no Tyranny over this Woman, ror
* do any thing to her contrary to the Law of Na-
' ture, of God, or of Man^ C^r. Likewife the
Wife promifes to be faithful to her Husband ,
' that (he will know no other Man befides him,
* that fhe will be obedient to him in all things,
t!fc. Then they are both to fwear before their
God, the Sun, Moon and Stars, that they will
faithfully keep this Promife, and to imprecate
the Divine Vengeance if they fhall break this
folemn Vow. Then the Prieft makes them pro-
oaife that they fhall willingly give their Chil-
E 3 dreii
1^4 ^ Defcription of
dren to be facrificed whenlbever God requires
them, and wifh themfeives accurfed if they do
not : Afterwards the Prieft pronounceth thecon-
clufion of the Marriage in thefe words ^ firft to
the Husband •, Ma;!^ upon the promife thou haji
tnade before God^ the Sun^ Moon and Stars^ that
thou wilt keep the Laws and Conditions of Mar-
ricige^ I give thee this Day a terpetual power
over thy Wife^ even of Life and Death And
then he fpeaks to the Wife, and fays, Woman^ 1
give thee this Day a Mafler to Govern and Com-
PI and thee ^ and I do enjoy n and command thee^
'Upon the Vrojiiifes thou hafi made to God^ the
Sun^ Moon and Stars^ to obey and obferve him
m fuuch dJf lyeth in thy power. Then Prayers
are fa id for them ; after which the Husband
thanks and pays the Prieft, and they return home
with all their Company ^ at which time it is cu-
ftomary to make a great Feaft for them, ac-
cording to theEftate of the Bridegroom. Thefe
things concern the Ceremony of Marrying, but
as to other things relating to a married State, they
(hall be mentioned in their proper places.
CHAP. XIIL
Of the Ceremonies torvards the Dead.
1"^HE fame Ceremonies are obferv'd towards
every one that is dead , whether it be a
Man or a Woman.
In the firfi place, many Prayers are put up and
Sacrifices ofFer'd for the fick Perfon : But after
Death,
J'q^:^^.
the Ifle Formofa. ^5
Death, the dead Body is to be kept 3 2 Hours,
and to be anointed with Oyl, whether it be to
be burnt by Day or by Night. After this, a lit-
tle while before the Hour wherein it is to be
burn'd, all the Friends and Relations of the de-
ceased are fent for, and in their prefence the dead
Body is plac'd in 3 Coffin , which Coffin is
plac'd upon a Table ^ and then all the Company
that had been invited, fie down at this Table,
which is furnifh'd with all forts of Meat, of
which they eat freely. At iaft, when the Hour
is come that the Body muft be carried away to
the place of Burial, then come the Priefts both
Regular and Secular, and the players upon Mufi-
cal Inftruments, and the Mourners, /. e, thofe
who aft the part of Mourners for Money : And all
thefe being come, the Coffin is laid upon a Litter
carried by two Elephants : All which may be bet-
ter underftood by the Figure here annexed. But
it is to be remarked, that in the Defcription we
have given of the Funeral Rites, we fuppofe the
Perfon deceas'd to dye Rich ^ for as to others,
the Poorer they are^ the fewer Ceremonies are
obferv'd at their Funeral. Suppofing therefore
that the Perfon deceas'd was Rich, after all the
aforefaid Ceremonies are ended, which are to be
obferv'd at home, then all the Company which
ought to be prefent at the Funerals, meet toge-
ther in the Houfe of the deceas'd, and having
plac'd the dead Body in a Litter, they walk froot
the Houfe to the place where the Body is burn'd
in this order : Firft, One of the Officers of the
City leads the Van, carrying the Banner of the
deceas'd ^ then follow feveral players upon In-
ftruments making a doleful noife : After them
( if the Perfon deceas'd be a Nobleman, but not
elfe) follow the Soldiers who are to guard the
E 4 Body,
5(5 A Defcription of
Body , whereof fome are arm'd with Lance?,
fome with Bows and Arrows, and others walk
with naked Swords in their Hands : After them
follow the Regulars, before whom goes the Of-
ficer of the Convent, carrying the Arms of God
and of the Abby •, after him follow the Monks,
and iatt of all comes the Abbot. After them
come the Secular Priefts, and before them the
Officer of the Parifa walks, carrying the Enfigns
of God and of the Temple •, then come all the
common Priefts, and after them the Sacrificator
of the Sun, and then of the Moon and of the
ten Stars •, after them come the Sacrificators of
our God, and Iatt of ail the Chief Sacrificator
with his Servants attending him : As to the High
Prieil, he never ufes to be m'efent at any Fune-
ral, but when a King oi: a Vice-Roy are dead ^
and then come the Chariots full of Beafts for Sa-
crifice, which are carried by Elephants or Camels ;
After them come the Mourners, who walk before
the dead Body, which is carried in a black Litter
like yours ( faving that the middle is rais'd up
to a point like the top of a Turret ) by two Elq-
phants, the firft whereof, that which goes before
the Corps, is coverd all over with black Cloth,
fo that nothing of it is to be feen but the Head 5
and on the Cloth are falten'd the Coat§ of Arms of
all the Anceftors of the deceased, as of his Parents,
Grand-Fathers, and Great-Grand-Fathers, (fc.
all which are diftinQIy placed -, thefe Arms are
only the Piftures of Birds, Beafts, 65'V. painted
on Silk or Paper to diftinguifli Families. And
laftly, after the Litter, follow firft the Parents
and Kindred, and then the Friends of the de-
ceas'd. Noviv, when all this Company is come
tQ the place where the dead Body is to be burn'd,
tfcn the Priefts Regular and Secular ^re to pray
the Ifle Formofa. 57
for the purification of the Sacrifices : After this,
the Beafts are flain, and burn'd upon an Altar
which is built there upon this occafion, and the
Aflies of the burn'd Sacrifices are thrown upon
the pile of Wood, in which the dead Body is
to be burn'd v and after the Coffin containing the
dead Body is plac'd upon the Pile, the fire is put
to it, which burns till all is confum'd to Afhes-,
and then the Afhes are buried in a place under
Ground, near the place where the pile of Wood
flood. And thus the whole Ceremony is ended,
and all the Company having faluted one another
return home. All this you may clearly fee in the
Figure here anixexed.
CHAR XIV.
'^f our Opinion concerning the State of
Souls after Death.
Since our Scripture, or the Book which they
call Jarhabadiond^ promifes great Happinefs
after this Life, to thofe who have liv^d according
to the Natural, Divine and Humane Laws, but
fays nothing exprefly of the State of Souls after
Death, hence we are divided into various Opi-
pions about it. The Tranfmigration of Souls Is
generally believed by all of them, which appears
to have been the common and ancient Opinion of
almoft all Vagans •, but as to the manner of this
Tranfmigration we differ : For fome believe that
;^he Soul after Death paffes into the Body of fome
Peaftj either wild or tame ^ fome that it pafles
into
j^ 8 A Defer iptioH of
into the Body of another Man, either Poor ot
Rich, Happy or Miferable, according to its be-
haviour in the former Body, good or bad, and
fo it continues to pafs out of the Body of one
Beaft into another, or of one Man into another,
in endlefs Circuits of Happinefs and Mifery.
Others have more fublitne Notions of a departed
Soul 'j for they believe that the Soul which is to
be rewarded with Happinels after this Life, (hall
at laft be transform'd into a Star, and then being
plac'd in Heaven, it fhall enjoy all imaginable
Happinefs, which will confift in the Vifion and
Fruition of our God, and of all the moft delight-
ful Pleafures that can be wifhed or imagined.
But becaufe the Sins of fuch a Soul defign'd for
this Happinefs, which have been committed in
this Life, are not always fully and perfeflly
blotted out before Death, but only cover'd by
the Sacrifices that have been offer'd for them ;
therefore they appoint a certain place, in which
the Soul, before it arrives at this Happinefs, may
do penance for its Sins, which place they think
to it the Bodies of fome Beafts : And for this
reafon they believe that God forbids the ufe of
thefe Beafts for Food, and will not fuffer them
to be killed, but only for Sacrifices, viz. Oxen,
Rams, Elephants, Harts, Goats, Doves, Dogs,
Horfes, Camels, ^c. All which Beafts are for-
bidden to be flain by any one, but only for Sacri-
fices ^ and if any of them dye of themfelves,
then they are buried after their Death, left they
fhould be devoufd by wild Beafts. They bdieve
therefore , that thefe Souls defign'd for Happi-
nefs, (hall remain in the Bodies of Beafts, until
they have done Penance for the fins committed in
their former Bodies : But after fuch a Beaft dies
of it felf, or is ofFer'd in facrifice to our God, then
they
the Ifle Formofa. 5P
they believe that the Soul which was in it ihall
be transformed into a Star in Heaven, where it
fhall enjoy eternal Happinefs.
But this laft Opinion ( which is generally re-
ceived by xYiQformofans) only relates to the Soul
of a Man : For they believe that a Woman's
Soul (as I already have told you) cannot attain
eternal reft, till it has inform'd the Body of a
Man 5 fome indeed think if it animates but the
Body of a tame Male Beaft, it is fufBcient to
acquire as great Happinefs as it is capable of.
This notion was flatted quickly after the Efta-
blifhment of Religion in Formofa^ and then the
Priefts had hot difputes about it ; Some affert-
ing that the Souls of Women were the Souls of
wicked Men departed, and that they perform
their Penance in the Bodies of Women, as others
affirmed they did }n wild Beads (as I fhall
mention hereafter : ) But this Opinion was
found fo abfurd and unreafonable, that it was
foon rejefled.
F/>/?, Becaufe it fuppofeth all Men to be wic-
ked, for it is believed that the numbers of Males
and Females are equal.
2diy^ If this were true, then the firft Woman
was not created till after the death of the firit
Man : Some alfo maintain, that the Souls of
Women were no more Immortal than the Souls
©f Brutes.
And, laftly^ others argued that a Woman was
unworthy to worfliip in any fort either God or
the Planets.
Thefe Opinions fprung, F/V/?, From the little
efteem we have for Women.
2rf/v, From God's appearing always hi the
Oiapeofa male Beaft.
3#',
5o ^ Defcription of
Q^dly^ Becaufe all the Commands and Promifes
in the Jarhabadlond were given and made to the
Men only.
4/W/, Becaufe all female Children muft be pu-
rified by palling thro' the four Elements, when-
ever neceffity compels us to facrifice them. Yet at
the fame time fome of the difputants had more
fenfe and charity ^ and thefe contended for the
Salvation of Women, for (faid they) tho' the
Woman be not fo noble and pure a Creature as
Man, yet fince it has the fame rational Faculties
with him, (he is capable of the fame Happinefs.
But this Opinion, tho' very well grounded, was
ridicuFd by the other Parties \ fo at lait they agreed
upon a medium between thefe extremes, and con-
cluded that a Woman might be faved, if her Soul
informed the Body of a Man, or a tame male
Beaft •, and that Prayers and Sacrifices made for
it, could (horten the time of Penance in that Body,
and tranflate it to Felicity. And thus an end
was put to thefe violent Difputes.
But all this feems an invention of our Priefts,
becaufe they reap great Gain by it ^ for, when any
one dyeth, the Relations of the deceased are to
pay them a large Sum of Money ( more or lefs,
according to their Quality) which they promife
to convey iq the Soul under Penance, for they per-
fuade the People that the Souls under Penance
ftand in need of Money, which none know how to
tranfmit but themfelves-, and befides they receive
as much Money for the Prayers and Sacrifices, that
are oifer'd for thefe Souls while they continue id
a State of Penance : Nay, their impudence reach-
eth farther ytt^ for they will borrow a large Sum
of Money of a rich Man, and promife to repay it
to his Soul after Death.
As
7^^; ^J '
liiiliiiilijii itiliiil
The Idol ortlie
Iv
I
the Ijle FormoCdL. 6i
As for the datnn'd Souls, they determine no-
thing for a certain truth, but are divided into
various Opinions. For fome think that thefe
Souls (hall inform the Bodies of evil Beafts, as
they call Lions, Wolves, Tigers, Apes, Cats,
SwinCj Serpents, and fuch like. Others believe
that they are annihilated, after they depart out
of the Body : But the common Opinion is,
that they wander eternally in the Air, and that
God creates in them fuch a Pain for the lofs of
their Happinefs, and fuch a Shame for the Sins
they have committed, as fills them with a Grief
too great for Human Nature to bear. And thefe
damtfd Souls we believe to be what here in Eu*
rope you call Devils, and there we call os Fago-
ftos : And therefore we offer Sacrifices to thefe
evil Spirits, becaufe we believe that thefe Sacri-
fices give them fome eafe of their Pain, and fo
hinder them from doing us any mifchief •, as I
(hall (hew more fully in the next Chapter.
CHAP. XV.
Of Worjhipping Dez^ils.
TUG* the Jarhabadiond tells us, that the
original Formofans worftiip'd the Devil, as
well as the Sun, Moon and Stars, yet that Book
doth not, command, or fo much as countenance
fuch PraQice ; however, the Iflanders long fince
renewed the Worfhip of Devils after the fame
manner as Tradition tells them their Anceftors
did. The reafon for it (as we believe to this
day, ) was as foUoweth, viz. After the Religion
of
6^ A Defcrtption of
of the Jarhabadiond was eftablifh'd thro' the
whole Ille of ¥ormofa^ the Devils continued to
do the People much mifchief by Earthquakes,
Wind, Hail, Rain, Storms, i^c, but they were
forbidden to beg any Deliverance or Temporal
Bleffing of God, or to ask any particular Bleffing
of the Sun, Moon and Stars y in this neceflity
they went to the Priefts, who (after due prepa-
ration ) confulted their God •, and being returned,
they told the People that God did permit them
to appeafe the Evil Spirits by Prayers and Sacri-
fices : Then an Altar (after the Form of that of
the Sun, ) was prefently built, with the Devil's
Image upon it 5 and whenever any of the Afflifli-
ons above-mentioned fall upon us , we firft burn
Fruits and fpirituous Liquors before this Idol,
and, if that doth not appeafe him, the next morn-
ing we facrifice Beafts to him ^ but, if Beafts will
not do, the third Day we facrifice two or three
Children only, and thofe of the meaneft of the
People ^ yet it generally happens, that the Earth-
quake or Tempeft, &c, ceafeth before the third
Day i fo that Children are feldom facrific'd to
the Devil.
Every Precin£l has one of thefe Idols, which
mult be placed in a Wood or Wildernefs, tho' it
be many Miles from the faid Precinft.
Thefe Idols differ in their Form and Magni-
tude, according to the Fancy of the Statuaries j
but they are all wonderful and horrible Figures,
with terrible Heads and frightful Faces, and the
whole Images cover'd with Horns, Dragons, Ser-
pents, Toads, and the like. In fhort, the Ma-
kers ufe all their Art to caufe Admiration, Sur-
prize and Aftonifhment : And indeed, fome of
thefe Idols are fo terrible, that formerly many
Women with Child mifcgrried ac the fight of
them.
the Ijle Formo&. 63
theni, which occafion'd an Order from the Priefts
that no Great-bellied Woman fhould come near
thefe Idols. But to give you a clearer Idea of
them, I have added the following Figure.
'Tis eafie to perceive the Reafon, why the
Priefts would perfuade us that all Calamitres
are caus'd by angry Devils ^ for the Priefts
themfelves furnifh the Sacrifices of Fruits, Li-
quors, Beafts, and perhaps a poor Child or two,
which they buy upon fuch Occafions ^ but when
thefe Affiiaions ceafe, the Precinft muft recom-
pence the Priefts •, and tjius he always gets ten
times the value he fpent in Sacrifices.
CHAP. XVI.
Of the Priejily Garments.
THE Priefts were formerly left at their liber-
ty to wear any kind of Garments, provided
they were fuch as would diftinguifh them from
the Laity ; But now they have different kinds of
Garments, every one according to their feveral
Offices i which Cuftom is never to be alter'd.
What thefe Garments are, may appear by the fol-
lowing Defcription.
The High Prieft has a Sky-colour'd Mitie, the
lower part of which is (hap'd like a Crown, and
is plac'd upon a Bonnet^ the Hair of his Head is
Ihort, and his Beard long ^ he wears a little
Cloak of a Sky-colour, which is round before,
tapering behind, and reaches down only to the
ElboWo He wears alfo a long Cloak like a Gown,
which hath Sleeves open in the middle thro*
which
^4 A Description of
which he puts his Arms, and thatalfo is of a Sky-
colour. Under this Cloak there is a Cloth of a
Violet-colour, which hangs down before and be-
hind, and alfo a white Tunick. His Stockins are
fuch as are commonly worn , but he has no
Breeches. He wears (hoes like Sandals^ fuch as
are commonly us'd by the Capuchlnes in the Ro-
mifh Church. He carries an Iron-Rod in his Hand,
being a Cubit long, having a round Head on which
his Coat of Arms is engraven.
The chief Sacrificatbr has alfo a Mitre upon
his Bonnet, but nO Shape of a Crown, and from
the round part of the Bonnet there hangs a Cloth
which reaches down to the ground : He has alfo
a long Gown which is tied about with a Girdle,
The Mitre is of a Sky-colour, fignifying his Dig-
nity, and the Bonnet of a Red-colour, figni-
fying his Office of Sacrificator. The Cloth which
hangs down from his Bonnet is of a Sky-colour,
and his Gown is Red : He always carries a Sword
in his Hand, in token of his bloody Office : His
Shoes and Stockens are like thofe of the High
Prieft, and his Girdle is ufually White.
The common Sacrificator of our God , has a
fharp-pointed Bonnet of a Red-colour, bending
a little downv\rard behind : He vveats a Cloak
like that of a High Prieft, but of a Red-colour,
and it is fo fhort before, that it covers only the
Knee •, but behind, it hangs down to the ground ;
He has alfo a Red Gown under his Cloak.
The Sacrificators of the Sun , Moon and Ten
Stars, have the fame Garments, but of a diflFerent
Colour. The Sacrificator of the Sun, has a white
Bonnet with the Figure of the Sun on the top of
it : He wears alfo a red Cloak and a white Tu-
nick. The Sacrificator of the Moon has a white
Bonnetj and the Figure of the Moon for diftinfti-
on
the Ifle Formoia. 6^
on upon the top of it, a white Cloak and a red
Gown. The Sacrificator of the Ten Scars , has
the Figure of them upon a white Bonner, and .be-
hind , there is a fhort piece of Cloth hanging
down fronn the Bonnet •, he wears a red Cloak with
a white Sleeve, and a white Tunick. All Saeri-
ficators carry a Sword in their Hand.
The common Priefts have a kind of a Bonnet,
upon which there is a fhort Mitre, fhorter be-
hind than before : They wear a long Gown of
a white colour , whofe Sleeves are long and
broad ^ they do not tye their Gown with a Girdle,
but they have a (hort Tunick under it made of
Cotton.
The Officers or Servants belonging to theTem^
pies, have alfo a Habit diftinO: from the Laicy^
for they wear a Bonnet different from the com^
mon People, a black Gown, and a black Rod
about a Cubit long 5 and at all the common Meet-
ings they carry the Arms of the Parifh , and of
Religion, like a Banner.
The Regular Priefts wear the like Garments
with the Secular, but they are of a different go«
lour , according to their leveral Abbies. They
have a fharp-pointed Cowle upon their Flead ^
they (have the Hair of their Head often, bur ne-
ver their Beard : They have a long Tunick, and
over it a fhort one, but both of them are clofe i
The Sleeve of their upper Gown, which is fhort,
but large, ufually hangs down low. Their Stoc-
kens and Shoes are like thofe of other Priefts,
Their Superior, at publlck Meetings, has a Mitre
upon his Head, and his Cowle hangs^ down be-
hind : Befides, he has a little fhort Cloak, like
that of the High Prieft's, but it is of a Violet-co-
lour; and a Violet-colour'd Cloth hanging down
before and behind, and a long Tunick of a white-
i colour i
66 A Defcription of
colour •, and laftly, a long Cloak between the
Tunick and the little Cloak, which ufually is of
divers colours : He wears a long Beard, but fhort
Hair on his Head ^ he carries an Iron-rod in his
Hand like the High Prieft^ his Shoes and Breeches
are like the reft of the Regulars : But when he
is in the Abby,he wears the fame kind of Cloaths
as the other Mopi/cs.
The Servants of the Abby are cloath'd after the
fame manner, as the Servants of the Temple, ex-
cept the Bonner, which is like that the Hofpital-
Boys wear in London ^ their other Garments are
diftinguifh'd only by their Colours. And this
is all that occurs to me at prefent, as to their Ha-
bits and Religion.
All which Habits may be feen in the Figure
of their Funerals, where all thefe Habits of the
Priefts are exaflly reprefented.
If it be ask'd, How is it poffible for me to re-
member and defcribe fo many different Habits ?
I reply, 'Tis as eafie for me to do this, as 'tis for
aNativeof Ri?;«^, or any other Popifh Country,
to enumerate and paint the various Orders and
Habits of Monks and Friars : The Reafon is
plain ^ for we have had the ObjeQs daily before
our Eyes ever fince we were born, and they will
fcarce ever be blotted out of our Minds as long
as we live.
CHAP.
the Ifle Formofa, 6j
CHAP. XVII.
Concerning their Manners and Cnjioms^
^^TpIS certain that the forwofdns are not fo
X corrupt as People are in other places ^ and
the reafon is, becaufe rhey are Itrittly obliged to
obferve the Laws of their Policy and Religion un-
der fevere Penalties , fo that none dare viola re
them, being reftrain'd by the dread of their Pj-
nalties, which are certainly and impartially exe-
cuted.
They have. divers Cufton:^s which will pleafe
feme, and difpleafe others: For firlt, 'ris cufto-
mary with them to adore the Emperor as a God :
He never fets his Foot upon the ground, nor fuf-
fers the Sun to fhine upon his Face. None but
Noblemen are admitted to vific him, and even
then he lyeth upon a Bed made like a Throne,
with a thick Gauze Curtain between him and his
Noble Viiitants •, the interior People are not per-
mitted to fee him except, at great Feftivals, and
then he fhews himfelf to them all ^ but £rlt
they bend their Knees, and fall proitrare on the
Ground, and adore him-, after they have docs
this, they may rife and look upon him.
They falute the Kings by bending their Knees,
joining their Hands, and bowing their Heads;
they falute the Vice Roys alfo by bending one
Knee, (viz. the left, if he be the Vice Roy of;i
foreign King, and the right, if he be Vice-Roy of
their own King,) and alfo by carrying the right
Hand from the Head down to the ground.
F 2 They
68 A Defcription of
They falute an High Piieft as they do a King^
and the chief Sacriricators as they do Vice-Roys.
The Noblemen and Priefts are faluted by carry-
ing the Hand from the Head down to the Shoe,
and by bowing the Head. One Friend falutes
another by taking him by both Hands, and kif-
ling them. A Superior does not falute an Infe-
rior 5 but by a nod of the Head he fignifies that
he has feen him faluting him. Servants falute
their. Matters, by carrying their Hand from their
Mouths down to the ground, and falling proftrate
on their Faces. Wives do falute , and are falu-
ted after the fame manner as their - Husbands.
Whenfoever Men of equal Quality meet, the
leffer Number falute the greater : For inftance,
if two or three Men enter a Room where are
four or five of the fame Quality, the two or three
pay their Refpefls to the four or five, without
any return of the Salute : The Prefence of Women
makes no alteration in this cuftom ^ for if one
Man was in a place with 5:00 W^omen, and but
two Men (hould by accident come in, the one
Man and all the Women are obliged to falute the
new comers, by carrying the right Hand from the
right fide of the Head to the left Foot^ but if
the number of Men be equal, fo is the Salutation
alfo. In fpeaking to Noblemen, they ufe not any
particular diftind Language as the Chinefe do,
flor any Circumlocutions, or different way of
ConitruSlion from v^^hat is us'd to inferior Per-
fons, 1 ut calling them by their Title ^ and in
fpeaking to them, and even to the Emperor him-
felf, they make ufe of the fecond Perfonof the
lingular Number: And this is the cuftomary
way of fpeaking to Great Men, which is ob-
ih\\\ in all Japan.
No
the Ijle Formofa. 6^
No Converfation is allowed between any Man
and other Man's Wife, nor between a l>jichelor
and a Maid, but in the greateit Fealts and Diver-
fions every one keeps among thole of their own
Family, the Wives with their own Husband, the
Sons and Daughters with their Father and Mo-
ther 5 for if any Man (liould fee one Man with
another's Wife, or a Maid with a Batchelor that
is a Stranger, he would certainly account them
Adulterers or Fornicators.
Suppofing that a Man has fix Wives , each
Wife has a private Chamber tor her felf, in which
(he is (hut up with her own Sons and Daughters,
and takes pains in fomekind of work •, and when
the hour of Dinner or Supper comes, the Kuf-
band gives the Keys of the Doors to a Servant,
who unlocks, but doth not open the Doors ^ he
only gives notice what time of the Day it is :^
and then they come out of their Chambers into
their Parlour, where they are to ear. After Din-
ner they may walk for fome time with him in the
Garden, and then every one of them returns to
h-er own Chamber again ^ and the Servant (huts
all the Doors, and brings the Keys to his Mafter.
Sometimes indeed they are ailow'd to meet , and
drink together, fuch Liquors as Thea^ Chi la. ^ OA^
As foon as the hour of Supper is come, then a
Servant goes and calls them all, as before. After
Supper they walk, divert themfelves with Dan-
cing, Singing, or telling old Stories, or any fijch-
like Recreation , but always in the prefence of
their Husband, or at lealt never without his con-
fent. At laft, at the third hour of theNrghr,
( which is the ninth hour here in England J eve-
ry one of them goes to her own Chamber ,
and the Husband fends for one of them whom he
has a mind to lye with that Night : In the Day-
F 3 time
70 A Defrription of
time he fometimes vifits one of them, fometimes
another, according to his fancy. This kind of
Life is fweec and pleafant enough •, but if the
Husband begins to love one Wife more than ano-
ther, then arife Envy and Emulation againft that
Woman •, and hence Strife and Difcord is fpread
thro' the whole Family, if he doth not prevent
it by feverely correfling the Oiffenders : But when
the Husband is civil and difcreet, and imparts to
each of them an equal (hare of his Good-will
and Friendfnip , then all the Wives endeavour
to pleafe him in all things, and the Houfe is
like a Paradife, by their good Agreement, and
dutiful care of their Husband.
In the Chapter of Laws and Marriage, I have
told you, that the Husband hach power of Life
and Death over his Wife, whenfoever fhe is guil-
ty of the Crimes before-mention'd •, yet this Law
or Cuflom is in it felf fo little agreeable to Rea-
fon, and fo much liable to Abufes, that I cannot
commend ir. Tis true, many reafonable Laws
have fome inconveniences attending them •, but
this Law has no other ground but to keep our
Waives not only in refpeftful Obedience, but fla-
vifh Submlffion ^ and 'tis in the Husband's power
moil tyrannically to abufe it : For tho' the Huf-
band cannot kill his Wife without affirming her
guilty of a Crime Vw'or thy of Death, yet fincehis
Afemation is fufficient '( without any witnefs )
to make her a Criminal , paiFiOnate barbarous
Men, or thofe who have more Wives than they
can maintain, will fometimes falily accufe, and
put to Death their innocent Wives.
Whether the Wife has committed a capital
Offence, or no, if the Husband has a mind to kill
lier, he generally takes this method ^ 17?, He im-
prifofjS her in his own Houfe as long as he
pleafethi
the Ifle Formofa. 7 1
pleafeth ^ zdly^ A little before the time when
he is refolv'd to put her to Death, he invites all
her Relations to dine, fmoak, or drink with him ^
they never fail coming at the appointed hour-,
when they are all fet, he fends for all his Wives,
except the Offender, whofe Relations then guefs
at the reafon of the Invitation, tho' perhaps he
tells them not till they have Ibciably eat, drank,
and fmoak'd an hour or two, and then he fpeaks
to this EfFeft, viz. " I have found this my Wife,
" and your Kinfwoman, guiky offuch a Crime,
" for which (he is worthy of Death, and I in-
*' tend to punifli her accordingly.
The Relations take for granted what he fays,
and never infift upon farther proof: They per-
haps intercede for her, and inrreat her Husband
in thefe, or the like words, viz, " She has in-
" deed deferv'd Death , but we are all fubjefl:
" to Failings, and if you vouchfafe to pardon
" her now, we doubt not but fhe will be a moll
" loving, faithful, and obedient Wife for the
" future ^ yet if you are refolv'd to kill her,
^' you are abfolute Matter , and may do with
" her as you pleafe. If thefe and the like Inter-
ceffions do not prevail , then he fends two or
three Slaves to fetch her ^ and before all the Re-
lations he again accufeth her, and tells her and
them what Death (he fliall die.
[However, let me here inform the Reader,
that if the Wife can bring good and poficive Evi-
dence of her Innocence , her Relations will not
only hinder the falfe accufing Husband from put-
ting his villainous Intentions in execution, but
will fee that the fame Punifhment he defign'd
for her, be infliSted upon himfelf^ as the Law
requires •, but alas ! be fhe never fo innocent, if
(h€ cannot beyond all contradiftion prove her
F 4 m
7 3 A Defcription of
lelf fo, (he had better patiently fubtnit to the
unjutt Sentence •, for her too weak Defence will
but bring a tyrannical lingring Death, in compa-
rifon of which the former would be accounted
Mercy.]
Thus all hopes of Pardon being paft, and the
laft Minutes of Life expiring, (lie takes her final
Farewel of her Relations, kneels down and prays,
and deplores her miferable ftate t, and at lafl",
patiently fubmits her Head to her Husband's
Sword or Cimirar, with which at a ftroke he ufu-
ally feparates it from the Body : Sometinnes
with fiery Indignation he ftrikes her into the
Breaft with a Dagger ^ and fometimes, to (hew
his Refentmenr, he will take her Heart out hafti-
ly, and eat it before the Relations. The Tragedy
being ended, they return home -, and her Body
is as honourably buried as if (he had died a natu-
ral Death.
When the Women of England read this, they
cannot furely but rejoice, and praife God, and
thank their Husbands for the Liberty and Happi-
nefs they enjoy •, they cannot furely but commi-
ferate the Women of Formofa^ who are forc'd to
be patient under fuch Slavery. The general time
of Women being married, ( which is between
the tenth and fifteenth Years of their Age,) (hews
that the Men have a tyrannical De(ign upon
them •, for then they are more render and flexible,
may with more eafe be brought to comply with
The abfolute Husband. There is indeed another
reafon why we marry the Virgins as young as
poflibie, viz. Should the King, Vice Roy, or
General fee them , and be charm'd with their
Beauty or Converfation, the Fathers are defir'd,
pr rather commanded to fend them to the
King, &c. who muft be obey'd : He keeps them
the Ijle Formofa. 75
as long as he pleafes, and when he is weary he
returns them to their Fathers. No Man will
marrjr one of thefe Deflowered Virgins, buc ge-
nerally they are Whores for Strangers.
The Married Women employ themfelves ( in
their Apartments, or Chambers of Confinement,)
in Painting, Drawing, Working with the Needle,
in making Fans and Screens, tS'c. which they fell
to their Husbands, for Thea^ Chi/a^ Tobacco^ ^c,
Thofe that have Children, fpend much of their
time in teaching them to Read and Write, and in
inftruSling them in the Principles oFReligion and
good Manners : And tho' the Wives of Men of
Quality have many Servants , yet the Mothers
always inftru£l their Children. Every Wife has
generally a little Garden belonging to her Apart-
ment. Europeans would wonder to fee with
what fubmiffion thefe Wives receive their Huf-
band's Orders, and how readily they put them
in execution. Laftly, How much they ftand in
awe of, and how greatly they reverence their
Husbands, nothing but Experience can demon-
ftrate : So that if England be truly calFd the
Paradife ofWomen^ Formofa may juftly be nam'd
the l^aradife of Men and Hell of Wo?nen,
This Prerogative is granted to the firft Wife
above all the reft, that fne is to take care of the
Family, and is not fo much fubjeJl to the Huf-
band as others are ^ for the other Wives cannot
go out of the Houfe, unlefs the Husband be with
them 5 but the firlt Wife may, asking his leave.
Befides, her firft Son is never to be facrihc'd, but is
the Heir of the Family •, and when the Husband
dies, the firft Wife governs the Family, and the
reft are fubjefl: to her. And this Cuftom prevails
alfo among the Japanners^ but with this diife-
rence ^ That the Japan Women after the Death
of
J A A Defcription of
of their Husbnnds may marry again, but theF^r.
tt;o/a/2 cannot •, the former receives feme Portion
of their Father's Eftate, but the latter do not.
When any Man has a mind to marry a Maid,
he mufl: firft acquaint her Father and Mother with
his defign, and difcover to them what Eftate he
has, ^c. And if the Father and Mother confent
to give him their Daughter in Marriage, then he
is permitted to fpeak to the Daughter, but never
before : Neither then is he allow'd to converfe
with her in private, but only in the prefence of
the Father or Mother, or one of her Kindred :
And if the Daughter confent, then the Father and
Mother prefent him with fome Gift of fmall Va-
lue, as a Ring, fome Clothes, or the like, but
they give him no Portion with her.
The firft-born Son of the firft Wife, as has been
already noted, is not to be facrific'd, and is the
Heir of the Family : Now the right of Inheri-
tance is this, he receives one half of the Eftate
after the Father's Death •, but the Brethren divide
the other half among them : And if any one of
them will marry before the Death of his Father,
then he brings his Wife home to his Father's
Houfe •, and when the old Man dyeth, and the
Eftate is divided, then he takes his Portion, and
he, his Wife, Children, and Servants live fepa-
rately from the reft of the Brethren : In ]^apan it
is not fo, for if a Man marrieth whilft his Father
is alive, his Wife ftays at her own Father's, and
there he goes to her as often as he pleafeth.
But if a Father dyes without any Heirs-male,
then the Emperor feizeth one half of his Eftate,
2nd the other is diftributed equally amongft his
Daughters : But if a Man dyes Childlefs, then
the Emperor has one half, and the other is divi-
ded between rhe King and Viceroy,
the Ifle Formofa. 75
If a Father out-lives the eldeft Son of his firft
Wife, he can transfer the right of Inheritance to
her fecond Son, ^c paying to the Emperor a
fum of Money anfwerable to his quality ^ but
fuppofing he out-lives all his Sons by his firft
Wife, or that he never had a Son by her, yet
for Money ftill in proportion he may be allowed
to make any one of his other Sons his Heir,
whofe Mother always after has the authority of
the firft Wife, and the firft Wife rakes the place
of the other who is dignify'd by the adoption of
her Son, and he always ( as if he had been the
firft-born) bears the Chara£ler and Name of his
Father,
The cuftom of offering Whores to Strangers
we have from the Japanneje, They live in one
Houfe, called Kmgnokorskaa^ or Houfe of Whores,
and the Emperor allows them all things conveni-
ent^ they are regularly govern'd and attended,
and Strangers pay a certain price for every Hour
or Day they ftay with them ^ which Money is
by appointed Officers convey 'd into the Empe-
ror's Treafury.
Some of thefe Whores I have told you are the
caft-off Miftreffes of the Emperor, King, Vice-
roy, or Genera] ^ but thefe are but few in com-
parifon to the vaft numbers of pennylefs Maids
( whofe Brothers have divided the paternal Eftate
amongft themfelves ) wjaich are fent to ths
Knognokorskaa, For when a Man dyes, and his
Sons have divided hisSubftance, the poor unmar-
ried Daughters have neither Friends nor Fortunes
to get them Husbands ^ but as foon as their Fa-
ther's Body is burn'd, they go to the Soulleto (an
Officer much like a Mayor in England) of the
Town or Village where they live, and he is oblig'd
tp keep them twenty Days in his oyvn Houfe •,
during
*j6 A Def caption of
during the firll ten Days he fends a Servant into
the Streets every day to make the following
Proclamation, ' Such a Man is dead, and hath
' left his Daughter unmarried, if any Man there-
* fore will come to xh^Soulleto^ and fay, If Jean
*- have her for my Wife I will have her^ he (hall have
' her. But if in thefe ten days fpace no Man
ofiers to take her as a Wife, (hould Hundreds
come after, (he cannot be obtained. The laft ten
days the Servant goes into the Streets, and makes
a fecond Proclamation in thefe words ^ ' Such a
' Man is dead, and hath left his Daughter unmar-
' tied, neither can ihe find a Husband ^ if any one
' therefore will come to the Soulleto (before (he
' befent to the Kndgnokorskaa) and fay, Iflmay
* have her for a Nurfe or Servant^ I will have
* her^ he (hall have her. When thefe laft ten
Days are expif d, and no one takes her for a
Nurfe or Servant, then (he is fent to the Knog-
mkorskaa ^ yet if her Relations or Friends are
Wealthy, they will fometimes rather take her
for a Servant, than (he (hould go to the Houfe
of Whores. Thefe Servants can never marry ^
and if they are idle or difobedient, their Ma-
ilers can at any time fend them to the Knogno-
korskaa,
"Tis cuftomaty on folemn Days, between the
firft and lalt Day of a Feftival, for all forts of
People to feaft. their Relations and Friends, as
ihey us'd to do at Births, Marriages and Burials,
which has been already obferv'd.
The Poor are not fullered to beg in the Ifle of
¥ormof<i^ but every Precinft has fome publick
Houfe, wherein they keep all their Poor, who
are fed and doath'd at the charge of the whole
Precintl ^ and thofe of them who are able, are
put to Work, but others who are difabled by
the Ijle Formofa. jj
Age or Sicknefs, are maintained Gratk. This
publick Houfe is called the Houfe of God for the
Poor, or in the Language of the Natives, Caa
tuen fagot ack chabiicollinos. If any Stranger,
who comes from fome other Ifland of the Japan
Empire, happens to want fubfilience, while he is
Travelling through the Country, he is furnifhed
with Neceflaries in every City and Village that
he paffes at theexpence of the publick.
They have alfoTavernsand Viaualling-Houfes,
which Men frequent for Eating and Drinking,
Smoking and Playing, &c. But no Woman muft
come into any of thefe publick Houfes.
All Japanners were wont to be very curious
to fee Strangers, and to entertain them very ci-
vily ^ but ever fince the great flaughter was made
of the Chriftians there, they hate all Strangers
that come into their Country, unlefs they come
from fome other Ifland oi Japan^ as will appear
more fully hereafter.
CHAP. XVIII.
A Description of the Men in Formofa.
ALtho' the Country be very hot, yet the Men
in all Yormofa are fair, efpecially thofe
who can live upon their Eftates •, and their La-
dies are very beautiful ^ but the Country People,
Servants and others, who are expos'd to the heat
of the Sun, and are forc'd to work in the open
Air all Day, are much tawn'd by the burning
heat. Thefe Men of Eftates, their Wives and
Children, during the hot feafon, live under Ground
in
^8 A Defer ipt ion of
in places that are very cold : They have alfo Gar-
dens and Groves in them lo thick fet with Trees,
that the Sun cannot penetrate thro' them. When
they have a mind to go into the Fields, they fend
Servants about two of the Clock in the Morning,
to pitch Tents made of thick Cloath dipp'd in
Water -, three or four Hours after the Family is
carry'd thither in Litters, and there they ftay till
the cool of the Evening ; they have Servants
likewile continually to fprinkle the Tents as they
dry, fo that they are as free from the Sun as if
they were in a Cellar : And hence it comes to
pafs, that altho' the Formofans live in a hotter
Country than the Englijh^ yet they cannot fo well
-endure heat.
They ufe diftill'd ^ Waters, not only to wafh
themfelves, but alfo to remove any fpeck upon
the Skin, which is not rooted in the Flefh.
And here I mull not omit to give fome ac-
count of a Controverfie, between the Chinefe and
Japannefe on the one fide, and the Natives of
formofa on the other, relating to the Cuftoms
of thefe Countries. You muft know then, that
the Chinefe and Japannefe by Art make their
Teeth black, but the formofans preferve theirs
white. The Japannefe plead for their Cuftom,
that all Beauty confifts in variety of Colours,
and therefore as an Ethiopian is accounted moft
beautiful, who has a very black Face and white
Teeth •, fo the beauty of a fair-fac'd Japannefe
confifts in fhining black Teeth. But the E?^-
mofans granting this Argument, anfwer for them-
felves, that Beauty may confift in fome things,
which cannot be had ; Thus it is beautiful to
"^ The Author will teach any one to make this beautifying
Walh.
have
the Ifte Formofa. 79
have black Eyes, which yet cannot be made fo^
and therefore, fay they, nothing artificial ought
to be made ufe of, to make us appear otherwife
than Nature has fram'd us.
Hence perhaps came the Proverb, That Tut-
key and Japan breed the faireft Women in the
World '^ but I muft confefs that I think this Pro-
verb-maker never fo much as heard oi England.
The Formofansj generally fpeaking, are of a
fhort ftature, but they make up in thicknefs
what they want in tallnefs. They are com-
monly ftrong-body'd Men and indefatigable in
Labour ^ they are very good Souldiers, and love
War better than Peace. They are very kind and
good-natur'd towards their Countrymen : Whom
they love, they love fo well, that they would
lofe their Lives for them in a cafe of neceffity ;
but whom they hate, they hate mortally, and
ufually contrive their Deaths. They are very
Induftrious and Cunning, and quickly learn any
thing they fee done before them. They abhor
all Falftiood and Lying, and therefore they have
no value for Petty -traders and Shop-keepers, be-
caufe they ufe many Lyes to commend their
Wares, and put them off at a better price.
CHAR
8o ^ Defcription of
CHAP. XIX.
Of the Cloaths rvorn in Formofa^ by all
Ranks of People.
TH E Yormofans are certainly very curious in
their Cloaths, but they afFeft no new faflii-
ens as the Europeans do ^ wherefore they feeni
to be ftill cloathed according to their ancient cu-
(torn. In this they excel the Europeans^ that the
Qualities and Conditions of Men may be difcern'd
there by the diftinclion of their Habits , whereas
here a Nobleman can hardly be known from a
Tradefman by his Cloaths. The Habits of.the
Yormofans are not much different from thofe of
the Japannefe^ efpecially as to the common fort
of People^ but the Kings, and Vice-Roys, and
Noblemen , have different forts of Garbs. The
great difference between the Japannefe and Yor-
mojans^ confifts in this, that the Japannefe wear
two or three Coats , which they tie about with
a Girdle , but the formofans have only one Coat,
and no Girdle. They walk with their Breaft
open, and cover their Privy Parts with a Plate
tied about them made of Brafs, Gold, or Silver.
The Japannefe alfo wear little light Bonnets ,
but the formofans ufe larger Bonnets , with a
Train hanging down to the Ground, made of fome
light Stuff, as Silk, Cotton, &c. And when they
walk, they wrap it about their Arm.
We (hall add no more about the Japannefe^
Ence my defign is to give an account of the Ifle
of formofa. The Dignity and Condition of every
one
J^a^: So.
fiqi^o.
veerL
the Ijle Formofa, 8i
one may be difcern'd by diiFerenc Habits, and I
(hall now briefly defer ibe them.
The King wears a fliort Coat of Silk, which
he ties with a mod precious Girdle, and above
that a long open Gown made of very coftly Silk,
wrought with Gold and Silver : He has a Scarf
that hangs over the right Shoulder, and reaches
to the left fide, of Cloth of Gold or Sil-
ver curioufly wrought with the Needle , which
is the diftinguifhing Mark of his Dignity, He
wears alfo a Bonnet, from whofe top the Stuff
hangs to the ground, which Bonnet is encompafs'd
with a Coronet, that glitters with precious Seones.
He has no Breeches, but his Knees are naked ^ he
wears Stockens made of Silk, adorn'd with many
Ribbons. His Shoes, like thofe of the Priefts
afore-mention'd, are a fort of Sandals, but molt
curioufly wrought. When he or any Nobleman
rides, then he wears Stockens and Breeches toge-
ther in one piece, and a little Bonner. His Col-
lar is made of Silk, bur fet with precious Stones^
the Hair of his Head is fliort, as is ufual thro*
all Japan , and his Beard is about a Thumbs
length.
The Queen wears moft beautiful Garments ^
that glitter with precious Stones 5 (he has no
fuch Head-gear as the Women wear in England^
but fomething made of Gold and Silver wrought
with Silk, and fo adorn'd wich Diamonds, that
it feems to be a Crown. Her Neck cloth is wk^ty
rich : Her Garments are very precious, curioufly
wrought with the Needle , and long enough
to reach to her Heel ^ and her Sleeve is fo
wide that it touches the Ground , as does alfo
her Manto, which hangs down as low behind.
Her Shoes and Stockens are like her Husbands,
but have a higher Heel. She wears her Hair
lung-
82 A Defcription of
hanging down behind over her Gown, which is
not wide , nor hath many Plaits. She wears a
Girdle tied about her Body, very precious.
The Sons are clad after the fame manner as the
Father ^ only inftead of the (hort Gown, they
go with their Breafts wide open , and have a
half-girdle about their Loins. They wear not a
Bonnet until they be nine Years old. The Daugh-
ters' alfo are cloath'd after the fame manner as
the Mother, except as to their Head-gear •, for
they wear nothing upon their Head , but a little
Crown made of Flowers, or the Feathers of fome
Bird ^ and they have no Manto.
The Vice-Roy ( who had formerly been a King,)
is Hill very fplendid in his Cloaths. His Bonnet
is very great and precious, both for the Matter
of it, and the Curiofity of the Workmanfhip, and
it is adorn'd with precious Stones^ the Hair of
his Head, and his Beard, is fhort ♦, his Collar is
of black Silk, finely wrought with Silver. He
wears a (hort Coat of white Silk, which is tied
about with a precious Girdle, and over that a
long Gown open and wide •, he has alfo a Scarf
which hangs from the right Shoulder to the left
jBde^ and, laftly, over his Shoulders he has a
little Cloak made of red and black Silk ; his Veft
is lin'd with the Skin of a Tyger or Leopard ;
he has no Breeches, but only Stockens, and *his
Shoes are like thofe afore-mention'd.
The Vice- Roy's Queen is drels'd much after the
fime manner as the Queen, faving that the Queen
has a Coif, fuch as abovedefcrib'd ^ but the
Vice Roy's Queen wears only her own Hair
adorn'd with Silk and Ribbons i Her Gown is
made after the fame fafnion as the Queen's 5 but
her Manto is different in this , that the Queen's
Manto hangs down behind only from her Shoul-
ders 5
^a^:8Z
'-P'vrej.
TAf as .
the Ifle Formofao 83
ders 5 but that of the Vice- Roy's Queen is like a
large Morning-Gown, which is worn in E/ig-
iand'^ only it wants Sleeves, and is lin'd with
fome beautiful Skin. The Vice* Roy's Son has
two Coats, a (hort one and another long •, but
the (hotter is uppermoft, and comes only to
the Knee : His Daughters are clad after the
lanne manner as the Mother, faving that they
have no Manto. When I fpeak of the Queen ,
or Vice-Roy's Lady, I mean only the firft Wife ^
for their other Wives are habited much like
other Gentlewomen,
The Noblemen wear the fame Coats as the
Vice-Roy, but with this difference, that the Vice-
Roy has no Girdle about his long Coat, which
the Noblemen have : They wear a Scarf of Silk
from the right Shoulder to the left fide, but their
Bonnet is like that of the Citizens.
The Qarillan^ or chief General, has a Bonnet
like the Vice-Roy's , but not fo great : In the
fore-part it is adorn'd with Precious Stones :
His Collar is of Silk , which encompaffes his
Neck, but does not hang down. Inftead of a
Scarf, he has a (hort Cloak of Silk, which co-
vers only his Shoulders ^ and a fhort Tunick of
Silk : His Breeches and Stockens are tied toge-
ther s his Shoes are like other Mens % And laft-
ly , he has a long and wide open Gown , like
the Morning Gowns that are worn here, but
much larger, whofe Sleeves being open in the
middle, he puts his Arms through^ and the reit
of the Sleeves hang low down towards ihe
Ground. His Wife is clad like the Vice-Roy's
Queen, faving that (he does not Wear a Manto :
His Sons and Daughters are cloath'd after ihet
fame manner as the Vice-Roy's,
G 2 Thg
84 ^ Dfcriftion of
The Wives of Noblemen wear a little Bonnet
made of artificial Flowers : They have two
Tunicks, one that's long, and a fhort one over
that which comes down only to the Knee, which
they tie about with a Girdle. There is a Hand-
kerchief faften'd to their Bonnet , which hangs
down to their Shoulders. Their Sons and Daugh-
ters are cloath'd after the fame manner as thofe
of the Carillan,
The Citizens wear one Gown only, ought to
keep the Hair of their Head fhort, have a Bon-
net like the Noblemen, whofe top made of Silk
or Gotten, reaches down to the ground : They
wear a Collar, but no Shirt, except in the Night-
time when they go to bed, which is the cuftom
of them all. They walk in a long Gown with
naked Breatt and Thighs, but their Privy Parts
are cover'd with a Plate tied about them made
of Brafs, Silver, or Gold : Their Stockens and
Shoes are fuch as are commonly us'd by others.
Their Sons have a little Bonnet, a fhort Gown
tied about with a Girdle, which reaches down
to the middle of their Thigh' : They have Shoes
like their Father, but neither Breeches nor Stoc-
kens.
The Country People who dwell in Villages and
Defert- places , wear nothing bur a Bear's Skin
upon their Shoulders, and a Plate to cover their
PriYy Parts, made of Brafs, or the Shells of Fifh,
or the Bark of Trees. Their Sous have nothing but
a Scarf hanging on their right Shoulder down
to their left Side , but otherwife they are ftark
naked. When the Countrymen are rich, they
and their Sons wear a Girdle about their Loin%
which half covers their Thighs inftead of a Plate
tied with a Girdle to cover their Privy Parts.
The
S'a^: d ^
' ^ Ji ^ilarriclWcman
*A GentUmcms Z\iivst
the IJJe FormoC^, 85
The Female Sex is diftinguifli'd alfo among
the common fort of People by five kinds of Ha-
bits ^ Infants, Virgins, Brides, Married Women
and Widows, all which are dad in different Ap-
parel : ift , Infants wear a fhort Gown that
reaches down to the middle of their Thigh ^
they have Stockens and Shoes like others, but
they do not cover their Head ~ until they be nine
Years old : 2^/y, Virgins after they are nine
Years old, adorn their Head with Bird's Feathers,
or artificial Flowers done up with Ribbons : They
wear a (hort Gown above another , that is long
and reaches to the ground , both which they tie
about them with a green Girdle. The long
Gown is divided in the lower part, fo that their
Legs appear as high as their Knees. They have
Stockens and Shoes like other Women. ?J/f,
The Brides wonderfully adorn themfelves 5 their
Head is encompafs'd round with Flowers, Lau-
rels and Feathers , which make a great fhow :
They have two Coats equally long, whereof the
under Coat is white and the upper black , and
both of them are tied with a black Girdle.
They wear a Scarf of red Silk hanging on the
left Shoulder down to the right Side. The
black Gown which is uppermoft, is open, fo that
the white Petticoat underneath may be feen. And
after this manner they are clad during all the
time of Courtfhip , and nine Days after the Ce-
lebration of Marriage ^ and then they put on the
Habit of Married Women. 4//;/^, The Married
Women wear a long open Gown, and below it a
fhort Coat which reaches down to their Knee.
They have a kind of a Cap upon their Head like
a Platter , and let their Hair hang down in
Wreaths before their Breaft , and when they go
out, they fo cover their Face, that it can hardiv
G 3 ^ b^
86 A Defcription of
be feen. ^thly^ Widows have another kind of
a Cap, which is twofold : The firft which they
put on their Head, is alnnoft round like an Eng^
lifh Woman's Coif, the other is a little (harp-
pointed.. They drefs their Hair in Wreaths^ they
wear two Gowns , one long , and another fhort
one over it •, the fhort one ought always to be
of a black colour, but the other, which may be
of any other colour, has long and broad Sleeves,
which reach to the Kn£?e •, and both the Gowns
are tied about with a Girdle.
The Country Women have nothing but a
Bear's Skin upon their Shoulders , and a Cloth
about their middle which reaches to their Knees :
They tie a piece of Linen about their Head and
Hair^ they have r^o Stockens, but Shoes, fuch
as are worn by others. Their Daughters wear
nothing but a Cloth about their middle, and a
ScH.f on the right Shoulder, hanging to the left
SiQe ^ and they have Shoes like their Mothers.
And here 'tis to be obferv'd, that all of thetn
generally wear a Bracelet about their Arms-, but
the Women wear it both about their Arms and
their Necks.
In the Houfe of Whores , you may know by
their Habits which are poor Orphans fent thither
by the Soidleto , and which are difobedient Ser-
vants fent thither by their Matters.
The firft have no Head-drefs, but their long
Hair is finely curl'd-, they have fhort Clo±s be-
fore which reacheth to the Knees, like the Coun-
try-wom.en ^ but they have Shoes, Stockens, and
long Gowns open before, like married Women.
The others are diftinguifh'd from the former,
by a Cloth upon their Heads, fhort Hair, Gowns
Teaching only to their Knees, and no Stockens :
The Children are drefs'd like their Mothers.
Men-
the Ijle Formofa. 87
Men Slaves have a Collar of Gold or Silver
about their Necks, a (hort Waftcoat reaching to
the Navil, and a Plate before their Privy Parts.
Women-Slaves wear a broad Ibrt of a Cbinefe
Hat, a Ring about their Necks, and a Ihort
Cloak about their Shoulders hanging a little lower
than their Elbows , and a Cloth to cover their
Bellies i their Shoes are like thoic w^orn by Coun-
try People.
The annexed Figures will more clearly fhew
you the different Habits.
And this is all that I know to be remarkable as
to their Apparel ^ I fliall now only add fome-
thing as to the Military Habit.
The King of the Iile of Yonncja has his own
Guards, and fo has the Vice-Roy, and therefore
for diftinftion-fake they are differently clad. All
the Officers in the King's Guards are clad like
the Car Ulan , faving that the Car Ulan wears a
Carbuncle upon his Bonnet which they have not,
and they wear a Scarf which he has not.
The King's Guards have a round Bonnet, whofe
forepart is like a Mitre, and has the King's Arms
upon it : The Hair of their Heads is fhort, and
their Beards long ^ and they have alfo a kind of
Breaft-plate made of Silver , on which are the
King's Arms^ a Belt made of Silk, a fhort
Gown , and Stockens and Breeches in a piece :
They wear a Sword hanging by their left Side,
and the Weapons they ufe when they guard the
King, are the Halberd or Lance.
The Officers of the Vice-Roy's Guards are
cloathed like the Tano% , or Noble-men , faving
that they have not a Scarf, they have a fhorc
Bonnet like the King's Guards. The Degrees of
Officers are diltinguifh'd by Colours, at the plea-
furs of the King or Vice- Roy.
G A The
S8 A Defcription df
The Guards of the Vice-Roy wear a large long
Bonnet having two Wings, a long Gown which
they take up behind when they walk, Breeches
and Stockens in a piece, and the comoion fort of
Shoes : The Hair of their Head and Beard is
(hort, and their Arms are (hort Lances, Arrows,
and a Sword by their fide.
All the Soldiers which ferve to guard the Cities,
^re cloath'd after the fame manner, viz, they
have a fliort Bonnet with a Crett of two or three
Feathers , a fhort Gown , Stockens and Breeches
in a piece. All of them wear black Cloaths :
Some are Archers, and carry a Bow under their
Arm, and have a Quiver full of Arrows ^ others
are Spearmen, and carry a long Spear upon their
Shoulders ^ but others have (hort Spears.
The Drumimers have a Bonnet (harp-pointed at
top, with a piece of Brafs in the Frontifpiece of
it, whereon are engraven the Arms of the Ifle.
They wear a fhort Gown, and a long one under-
neath it, which they throw behind them : Their
Gioaths are of a light red colour.
The Enfigns have a Bonnet like the Noble-
rben, for they are all fuch who are in this Poft.
They wear a long Gown, and a (hort one over
it.
This is all that I thought fit to be remarked
as to their Apparel, which altho' it may appear
lidiculous to the£'/ir/'d7p^^;7j',yet is there accounted
very Beautiful and Splendid, both for the Colours
and the Materials of which it is made, fuch as
Hair, Silk, Cotton, which are curioufly wrought
with the Needle ^ for tho' rhey do not afFeft
new Falliions of Cloaths, yet they are very nic^
in chufing the fineft Stuff, or Cloth whereof to
fcake them,
CHAR
.L^LiAl.
rwj.i^.
TJieVkdiRryj Cafkl
^ Cith^ Twii^d
^1 Coxmb^ey-manLS
ficuse
the Ifl^ Formofa. 8p
CHAP. XX.
Of their Cities^ HoufeSy Palaces^ Cajiles.
THere are only fix Cities ( properly fo call'd)
in Formo/a : Two of them are in the prin-
cipal Ifland, and they are call'd Xternetfa and
Bigno 5 there is one in great Veorko^ which is
call'd Chahat ^ and the 4th is in one of the Ifles
of Robbers, and is called Arriow : The 5 th and
6th are in the other Ifle of Robbers, and they
are call'd Finer 0 and Jarahut : But in the little
Ifle Peor^o there are none.
Xternetfa^ as it is the capital City, fo it is
the nioft beautiful of all the reft ^ being fituated
in a very pleafant Plain : It's Walls are twenty
Cubits high and eight broad : It's length is a-
bout one day's Journey for an Elephant, /. e, a-
bout fixteen Englijh Miles. There are in it
defert- places, Fields and Mountains, Orchards,
Meadows, and the like •, but about the middle
of it, the Houfes are very magnificent and ftate-
ly : Not far from it, there is a Mountain which
abounds with many wholefome Springs. It is
built by the fide of a River, which abounds with
Fifh, and runs over the whole Ifle. That which
contributes much to make it beautiful, are the
many Palaces that are in it, viz. Of the King,
the Vice-Roy, and the Nobles •, of the High-
Fxieft and Chief Sacrificator •, all which are built
after a wonderful manner, as may appear by the
Figure here annex'd, which is a r^prelentation of
the Vice-Roy's Palace.
'Tis
po A Defcription of
Tis faced with fquare Stones curioufly carved
after our manner ; the infide is wainfcotted with
fine Wood, and adorn'd with Japa/iwotk^ China-
ware, Tapeftry, Golden-difhes, t!fc. the greateft
part of this Palace is cover'd with Gold ^ the
royal Apartments alone are reckoned to be two
Bayks in circumference, a Bayk ( as near as I
can guefs) is about one Mile and a h^Xi Englijh^
befides there are large Gardens, Walks and Groves
enclofed with a Wall and a Ditch : It is very
regularly built, the Vice- Roy's Lodgings, his La-
dies, Servants, Guards, Soldiers, Slaves are di-
fpofed in Order, and fo are the Stables for his
Horfes, Elephants, Camels, &c. In fliort, it is as
magnificent as the pride and vanity of an Indian
King can make it.
The High-Prieft's Palace is almoll as large and
rich as the Vice-Roys ^ but the King and Carillan^
whofe Offices do not defcend by fucceffion to
their Pofterity, do not care to have fuch ftarely
Houfes. But the Nobles have there very beau-
tiful and magnificent Houfes. There are alfo in
the City Xternetfa three great Abbies, and five
Temples, and many beautiful Houfes of the Citi-
zens. 'Tis obfervable, that in the whole Ifle of
¥ormofa there are no Houfes very high, but in
moft great Houfes there are two Stories, one above
Ground for the cold Seafon, and the other under
Ground for the hot Seafon ^ which in all refpe£ls
are very magnificent, whether you look upon
them within or without.
The rich Men and Nobles, build their Houfes
of four-fquare Stones j but others build the outer
part of plain Timber, while the inner part is a-
dorn'd with painted Wood, or fine earthen-ware
gilded and painted, which the Natives there call
Pcrche-lkna (from Porcbe^ Clay, and I/ano^
■which
the I fie Formofa. p i
which 'fignifies both worked and painted ) but
the Englijih^ China-w^xQ, The Citizens Houfes
are long, and the Country Peoples round, in
fuch manner as they appear in the Figures here
annex'd.
A. The place above the roof of the Houfe,
where they adore the Sun, Moon and Stars twice
a day. B, Theroofof theHoufe. C The place
above Ground. D. The place of the Houfe which
is under Ground.
Neverthelefs, fuch long Houfes are fometimes
to be found in the Villages, and thofe that are
round in the Cities, at lead in the remote places
of them.
Bi£f7o is a fine City, but has nothing very re-
markable. In the fame principal Ifland , is the
Sea-port Town call'd Kadzey^ which is very
large, and contains many Villages, and yet be-
caufe it is not walfd about, it is accounted only
a Village.
Chabat^ Arriow and Tineto are Cities, which
have nothing extraordinary, but in Jarabut 'tis
worth obfervation, that the City is built round
a Mountain which is a Mile high ♦, and upon the
top of it, is the Palace of the Governour, who
from his Houfe can fee the whole City, and
fo can every Citizen from the roof of his Houfe
behold the Governour's Palace. Befides in the
fame City, there is a Fountain reprefenting an
Elephant dancing upon two Feet, which is t7;enty
Cubits high, and throws forth Water out of all
the parts of the Body.
This Fountain is believ'd by the Japannefe to
have been built above 11500 Years ago, by a
certain God or Hero, who bad been banilh'd
thither when the Ifle was uninhabited. This
God was called Arbdo^ or the Wanderer : And
the
p ci A Defcription of
the (lory fays, that when he had built this Foun-
tain there, 'it furnifli'd him with Fruit, Flefh,
and fweet Wine ^ but that after fuch time as he
left the Ifland, it became barren, and produced
none of thefe things. After this Ifland came to
be inhabited, fome Men finding the curious fa-
brick of this Fountain, convey'd Water into it by
Aquedufts, from the Mountain which is in the
midft of the City : From whence the Japannefe
have ftill in their Temple Amida^ the God Ar-
bah with a painted Fountain. But the Natives
of the Ifle of Formofa give not much credit to
this Story : Tho' they know not by whom, nor
when this Fountain' was built, yet they call the
place of the Fountain by the name oiArbalo,
This Hiftory I do not deliver for a certain truth,
neither do I account it altogether fabulous •, for
it feems to me that there is fomething of truth
in it, and therefore for the explication of it, I
ihall add the following remarks.
And firft, the Reader is to take notice, that
all the Gods which are call'd by any particular
name, fuch as Amida^ Xakha^ Nakor?^ Arbalo^ 8cc.
are only Saints, or Heroes and Illuftrious IVlen,
who in former times were deify'd, either for their
reputed Sanftity or fome noble Exploits, which
they had performed. Such an one was Arhalo^
who is the God of Harveft among xh^ Japannefe^
and whofe Image is commonly fet in the husk of
a grain of Barley. He is called Arbalo^ L q. a
XVanderer^ becaufe he continually went about the
Fields and Woods ^ bleffing the Fruits of the
Ground.
idly^ 'Tis poflible, that this Man while he was
alive did fomething that difpleas'd the Emperor,
or the Dairo^ for which reafon he was banifh'd
from his native Country, and there is no difficulty
in
the Ijle Formofa. 95
3n conceiving this : But how he (hould Travel
from Japa/i to formofa^ [which is two Hundred
Leagues diftant from it, and was then unknown
to the Japannefe^ and uninhabited,] is fomething
difficult to apprehend. Let us therefore fup-
pofe, that this God Arbalo was defcended of fome
noble Race (for fuch are all the Heroes in Japan)
or had been promoted to fome eminent Poft of
Honour *, And this is the more probable, becaufe
if he had been of an inferiour Family, he would
rather have been punifli'd with Death, than fent
into Bani(hm.ent for his Offence. This being
granted, we may fuppofe farther, that this Ho-
nourable Perfon carried along with him as his Re-
tinue a great multitude of Servants, and was fent
at firft to an Ifle next adjoyning to Japan^ and
from thence palling on in a dire£l Line through
many little files (which are fo near, that you
may fee from one to the other in a clear day )
he came at laft in fight of Formofa^ where out of
Curiofity he landed with his Servants ^ and find»
ing it a pleafant and fruitful Country, he fettled
there for fome time, and built the Fountain a-
bove-mention'd. And then we may fuppofe, that
he returned again to Japan ^ and fent from thence
fome Families to inhabit Formoja. But I muft
confefs, that we have no Hiftory in formofa fo
ancient as this, which is only to be found in Ja-
pan^ and therefore we can give no account of any
thing that happened between us and the Japan-
nefe^ after this firft Settlement ^ for we have
loft all the Memoirs of our firft Original, and
the Tranfa£tions which happen'd after the firft
Plantation of our Country, until the Japannefe
ravifh'd our Kingdom from us, and reftor'd it to
the Empire oi Japan, However it may appear
from what has been faid, that the ftory oiAr\\aIo
P4 A Defer ipt ion of
is not altogether fabulous, nor fo improbable as
at firft it feem'd to be.
Befides thefe Cities already nam'd, there are
three Sea-port Towns which exceed fome Cities
for bignefs , but becaufe they are not wall'd a-
bout, they are held only Villages or Towns. Thefe
three are call'd Aok^ Lou^au^ and Voo^ and be-
fides them, there are many other Villages of the
like bignefs. But this is to be noted of Villages,
Sea-port Towns and others, that they all depend
on their own Cities, and that the other Cities de-
pend upon the c^i^ml City Xierpjetfa,
In the little Peorko^ there is neither City nor
Village to be found : But concerning this Ifland
it is to be obferv'd, that at firft it belonged to the
King, who is now Vice-Roy, but afterwards the
Priefts purchas'd it, to feed the four-footed Beafts
which are defign d for Sacrifice : And now every
one is oblig'd to give, not the firft Fruits of their
Flocks, but one out of every three Beafts that
fall, which is to be kept there until it be fit to
be facrific'd : And therefore in little Veorko there
are only fome Shepherds who look after the Beafts
that are fed in that Ifland, which is very fruitful
in Grafs and Hay, and might perhaps produce
many other things if they were planted there :
But this is not done, becaufe it is defign'd only
for the Beafts aforefaid.
Thefe are all the notable things that occur to-
me concerning our Cities, Villages and Houfes ^
yet it muft be acknowledged that there is a great
deal of difference between the Cities oi formofa^
and thofe of Japan^ both for their bignefs and
the richnefs of their Materials, tho' the Japan^
7iefe when they come to Yormofa^ cannot fuffici-
ently admire its Cities, for their Beauty, Situa-
tion and Conveniences.
CHAR
the Ijle Formofa. 95
CHAP. XXL
Of the Trade and Merchandife of
Formofa.
IN my firft Preface I have prov'dthat ourlfland
oi Formofa abounds with Gold, Silver and
Spices, tho' Candidas and other Strangers have
after ted the contrary : And indeed Gold is To
plenty, that the Chinefe Merchants ( who trade
with us for it, and pay us a full current price,
and afterwards a third of the value to the Cu-
ftom-houfe before they can export it ) import
fuch vaft quantities of it into China ^ that
this far-fetch'd Gold ( notwithftanding the large
duty upon it ) is lefs valued in Chinn than in
Europe,
Silver is one third cheaper than Gold, fo that
for 1 5 Ounces of the latter, you may have 24 of
the former, as you may fee more at large in the
Chapter of Money.
Copper is cheap s but Brafs bears a good price
hecaufe it is brought to us from foreign parts ;
fo likewife are Tin, Lead, Iron, Steel, with
which the Chinefe^ Japaneje and 'Dutch fupply
us at high rates.
In our principal Ifland are two Mines of Gold
and as many of Copper, but no Silver, thefe
Mines of both forts are fo little diftant from each
other, that it may more properly be faid there is
but one of Gold and one of Copper.
In the Great Veorko is one Gold and one Sil-
ver Mine •, that of Gold is inconfiderable, if
compared with the Gold Mine in the principal
Ifland I
^6 A DejcriptioH of
Ifland •, but the Silver Mine is exceeding large*
and has furnifti'd us with valt quantities for
many Ages paft, and tho' they yet work conti-
nually in it, there is no guefling when it will be
exhaufted : This Silver is valu'd for its being ve-
ry clear, white and flexible ^ and this Oar holds
half Silver, whereas it's well if the Oar from
the other Mines produceth a third or fourth
part.
In one of the Ifles ofLardo/ies^ or Robbers, arc
two fmall Silver Mines, but we hope, the far-
ther we work, to find the Veins richer and
larger.
In the other Iflejof Robbers is a Mine of yellow
Metal, for which foreign Merchants do not care
to trade with us, yet we highly efteem it, be-
caufe it is fitter for many ufes than Gold it felf 5
in Body and colour it is much like Brafs. This
Mine is in the top of a large Mountain, and ve-
ry near the Mine a hafty River falls abounding
with this Oar, of which we get great quantities
by putting Cloaths acrofs the River.
Formerly all thefe Mines were the King's or
Vice Roy's, but fince we have been fubje£t to the
Emperor of Japan, his Imperial Majefty, the
King, and the Vice-Roy have equal fhares j and
they equally bear the Charges of Miners and o-
ther workmen ^ when the Metal is purified ,
their parts are carry'd to their refpeftive Pala-
ces, and there coined, or Utencils for the Palaces
made of it ^ fome is fold to Merchants, fome to
Artificers who work in Metals , and for this end
Commiflioners are appointed ^ but no private
Man mult fell any of thefe Metals to Strangers,
or even to one another (unlefs it be firft work'd
into fome Veflel or Inftrument) without a parti-
cular Licenfe from the King or Vice-Roy.
the Ijle Formofa. 97
We have alfo great plenty of ^wq Silk, for all
Women (even of the belt QiialiryJ keep Silk-
worms •, fome breed them for Diverfion rather
than Trade, yet thefe fell the Raw-filk to Work-
men •, others keep the Silk-worms, and weave
the Silk in their own Houfes \ aiid we have fo
much of this Commodity, that almoft all our
Garments are made with ir.
We have two forts of Cotton, the fineft grows
in Codds upon large Trees, the other is the pro-
duce of a Shrub not unlike a Thiftle. Some of
our Apparel is made of Cotton *, but the Women
confume molt of it in making fine Hangings, Ta-
peftries, Carpets wonderfully worked with the
Needle, and of which I have feen fome in England:
The Women take great delight in thefe Works :
But Velvet and Stuff made of Silk and Hair, is
chiefly work for Men,
Woollen cloath is not made amongtt us, for
it is little worn ; but if we want it for other ufes^
we are fupply'd by the HGllanders.
We make Stufl^s of Hair and Cotton, but no
Cloth of Flax , which does not grow in our
Ifland ^ but Flaxen-cloth we receive from the
lyatch. We work, paint, and gild China-Earth
very wonderfully, nay, even much finer than they
do in China. We have learn'd from the Hdllan-
ders to. make a kind of Paper, which we knew
not how to do before •, for we wrote either D'^on
Plates of Copper or upon Parchment, or a eourfe
Paper made with Bark of Trees : But now we
write on Paper made of Silk , after the fame
manner as it is made here.
Inltead of Leather to make Shoes of, we ule
the Bark of Trees for the Soles, and fome Skins
of Bealtsfor the Upper-leather,
H C H A ft
p8 A Dfcripion of
CHAP. XXIL
Of Weights and Meafures.
BEfore the Dutch arriv'd on our Coafts, we had
a certain way of reckoning things, whereby
we could know when their Numbers were equal
or unequal ^ but we had no kind of weight, fuch
as a Pound or an Ounce, and therefore we bought
and fold things by View, and not by Weight,
Bat after the Hollanders came among us, and
ihew'd us how profitable the ufe of Pounds and
Ounces would be in Commerce, we begun to
weigh things that are rare, by Ounces and Pounds;
but things that are common and lefs valuable, by
50, or I GO A weight at a time, as the Buyer
and Seller had a mind : Our Pound agrees with
the Dutch Pound, which confifts of 16 Ounces,
and is more than that Pound which is us'd in
'France : Which I found by a Copan of our Mo-
ney that I brought with me to france^ which
weighed more than one of the French Pounds,
tho' it was but a Dutch Pound.
Things are meafur'd in Formofa^ according to
the People's various Humours , for fome ufe a
greater, fome a lefs meafure ^ but the price is
always fix'd according to the greatnefs of the
meafure.
The Inftrument wherewith we weigh things,
Is fuch as is us'd by the Butchers here in Eng-
land when they weigh their Meat, but fome arc
bigger, and fome lefs, as occafions require.
We had no Names for Numbers before the
Dutch came amongft us, but we fufficiently de-
clared
the Ifle Formofa. pp
clar'd to one another what Number we meant
by Signs on our Fingers •, but becaufe the Dutch
did not underftand this way of Reckoning, they
perfuaded us to invent Names to fignilie Num-
bers, which now we ufe after the fame manner
as they do, proceeding from One to Ten, from Ten
to Twenty, and fo to a Hundred, a Thoufand, ^^6
As appears in this Example ;
1 2 3 4.5 ^
Taufb Bogio Charhe Kwrh 'Nokin De/cie
7 8 $> lo II u
Mem Thenio Soma Kon Amkon or Taufkon
12 13 14 15 16
Bogiokon Cbarhekon Kiorhkon Nokiekon Dekiekon
17 18 19 20
Menikon Thenikon Somokon Borhny^ after this
21 22
Borhny-tauf or am Borhny Bogio^ and fo on to
30 40 50 60 70
Chorhny Kiorhny "Kokiorhny Dekiorhny Menicrhny
80 90 100 1000
Theniorhny Soniorhny Fto?nfj?ftomm and hnate^
fo 1000, 200.0, ^c. And this may fuffiee for
this Articleo
CHAP. XXIIL
Of the fnperJiitioHs Cujioms of the
common People.
TH E common People are fo much addiSed
to the fuperftitious ways of foreteiling
things, that nothing happens to them either ordi-
H 2 nary
100 A Description of
nary or exrraordinary, of which they do not make
a good or bud Omen, and particularly they lay a
great iircls on Dreams •, of all which I fhall give
lome inlhnces, fo far as I can remember. It any
one dreams that he is at a great Fealt among
Women, this fignlfies that he has many Enemies,
who are contriving to kill him, or do him fome
mlfchief! If any one dreams that he is bit or
hurt by a Licn^ a Serpent^ or fome fuch Bealt,
he ought to have a care of a certain Enemy who
will attempt to do him an injury ^ but if he
dreams that he has kilPd a Wild Beaft, then he
thinks hlmfelf fecure from all danger until a con-
trary Dream happens : If any one dreams that
one of his Relaiions, or himlelf is dead, they be-
lieve that God is angry with him, and therefore
they ufually confult the Priefts what they are to
do in this cafe, who always advife them to give
fomething wherewithal to atone their angry God.
If any one dreams that he has Lice, Gnats, or
Ants- upon his Body, then they think that the
Soul of fome of their deceased Relations is de-
tained in the Body of fome Beaft, ( as was before-
mention'd, ) and wants Money and other things ^
which they therefore take care to give to the
Prielts, that they may convey them to the Soul
in dlllrcfs. If any one dreams that he has lain
with another Man's Wife, then he is afraid left
fome Man lie with one of his Wives, and therefore
he more narrowly obferves them than at other
times. And fo much may fuffice concerning
Dreams.
They obferve alfo other Omens, as the firft
Thought that comes into their mind in a Morn-
ing alter fleep , and the firft Beaft they fee in a
Morning; But then they fay, if fuch a thing
which comes into their mind do not flrike their
Fancies,
the IJJe For mo fa. i o i
Fancies, the Omen concerns fotne other Body 5
but if it ftrikes the Imagination, then they apply
it to themfelves. There were a cerrain fort of
Men who pretended to explain very clearly
all kinds of Omens for a very finall marter ^
but being for the molt parr miltaken in their Con-
jeElures, the People complained of them to the
Prieft^, who accufed them to the Vice-i^oy as
guilty of a capital Crime, for which the Vice-
Roy condemned them to die : And ever fince :he
Prielts alone challenge to themlilves rhe Privi-
lege •, who fo explain all forrs of Omens, that
they can never be convieled of Lying in what
they fay : For either they pretend that their
God is well-pleas'd, or that he is angry with fuch
a Man, or that the Souls offomeot his deceased
Relations want Money , or that in the fame in-
Ilant, when they faw fuch an Omen, the Soul of
one of his Relations was transformed into a Star-,
all which the People do eaiily believe, who are
therefore perfuaded by the Prielis to acquaint
them with all the Omens they meet wich.
And here I (hall briefly relate a notable Story
concerning this matter. A certain rich Country-
man being much addifted to this kind of Supet-
ftition, had us'd for a long time to confult the
Priefts, who were wont very often to expouiid
his Omens, That fome of his Relations Souls flood
in need of Money : The Countryman at lalt grev^
weary of fuch expenfive Enquiries, and rhougnc
he had given Money enough to redeem ail thq.
Souls that belonged to the //7^, and therefore con-
trived a way to cheat the Prielt: For which
end he went and told hini, that in the Morniiig
he had feen in his Garden more than ico Birds
linging, which after a fliort itay flew away : Bui:
the Prielt told him, If thefe Birds had continued
H q 'a fonder
102 A Defcription of
a longer time in the Garden^ then for certain the
Soicls of your deceased Relations had been tranf-
formed into Stars , but their fiidden departure
fignified that they ft ill wanted fomething , which
being fumifFd^ then^ fays he, you may fee them
this Night afc ending into Heaven •, for which end
you mufl give me fo much Gold^fo much Rice^ and
Jo 7nuch of other Commodities^ and then you may
remain two hours upon the Roof of the Houfe ,
and_you fhall fee the Stars ^ as it were ^ moving
themfelves^ which are the Souls fignified by the
Birds you faw in the Garden. The Countryman,
tho' much againft his will, gave the Prieft what
he demanded, and perhaps did ftill believe that
there was fomething of Truth in what he faid ^
and therefore he went up to the top of his Houfe,
and as the Prieft had faid, he faw the Stars move-
ing themfelves ^ but having contiflu'd there all
night , he obferved a great multitude of Stars
thus m.oving : And this Obfervation he renewed
^very Night for a whole Week, until at laft he
reckoned more Stars thus moving, than the num-
ber of Men who were known to be dead in the
whole Ifiand for the fpace of three Years amount-
ed to : Whereupon he went to the Prieft, and
told him of it •, and the Prieft perceiving that he
had deteQed the Impofture, carried him before
the chief Sacrificator, who carried them both be-
fore the High Pricit, or their Pope, who upon
hearing the whole matter, condemned the Prieft
to perpetual Imprifonment , becaufe he had ex-
posed to the County-man the Myftery of tranf-
iorming Souls into Stars, but condemned the
Country-man to death for not yielding due Defe-
rence and Submiflion to the Prieft. From whence,
every body may clearly perceive what Tyranny
'"he Piiefts exercife over the common People ,
who
the Ijle Formofa. 103
who are hot permitted to declare publickly any
Doubt they have, even of thofe things they know
to be falfe. I could add feveral other things to
the fame purpofe, but that I think they will be
tedious to the Reader , as the Noife which is
made by the Dogs when they bark aloud , or
houl 5 the crowing of a Hen like a Cock, the
time when the Serpents hifs in the Fields, when
the Bears do not go out of the Wood, when the
Eagles fit upon feme Turrets, Houfes or Trees,
all which are interpreted to be good or bad Omens,
But I have faid enough of thele Fopperies.
CHAP. XXIV.
Of the Difeafes in Formofa^ and
their Cures.
TH E greatell Difeafe to which the Natives
are fubje£t, is the Plague, which we be-
lieve does not proceed from Natural Caufes, but
from the common confent of the Sun, Moon, and
Stars, who agree in fending it for a punifhment
to Men , and therefore we rather make ufe of
Sacrifices than Medicines for the cure of it. This
does not happen frequently, for Yis now 170
Years fince there was a Plague in Yonnofa^ if we
may believe our written Books and Tradition.
One cuftom we have during the time of the
Plague, which is very remarkable : We afcend
to the tops of the higheft Mountains, (that at
other times are not inhabited, ) for the thinnefs
oftheAirj which is then accounted very whol-
H 4 fom -5
1 04 A Defcription of
fom ', aud there we feek out a Fountain of Wat
ter, of which we drink to excefs, eating nothing
but Herbs and certain Fruits : And this we con-
tinue to do till we think that the Pbgue 15
peas'd, and then every one returns to his own
Houfe.
As to other Diftafes which are very common
}n Europe^ as the Gout, the Tertian and Quartan
Ague, they are nor at all known in lormofa^ yet
ive are fometimes ( but very feldpm,0 troubled
with burning Fevers ^ at oth^r times w^ have a
Pain in our Heads or Stomachs, but it lalis not
long. If at any time we find our felves indifpo-
fed, or any Difeafe coming upon us, we com-
monly ufe this Method for a Cure : We run
two or three Miles as fwiftly as we can, and in
the mean time one prepares a Potion for him
that runs , which he drinks off, after he has
run his Race, while he is very hot, and imme-
diately goes to Bvd, where he fweats till he has
cured the Difeafe. This Potion is made of Roots,
Herbs, (efpecially Sage,) a little Spice, and a
Viper or two, boiled in fix Quart;s. of Spring-
water, till two thirds be confum'd , then it is
itrained and given to the Patient as fait as he can
drink it , and before he cooleth after his Run-
ning-, this puts him into a violent Sweat, and
by its noble Virtues reftores him quickly to his
former Health. And befides, our temperate way
of living, conduces very much either to prevent
or cure our Difeafes, efpecially when we take
Tobacco , which purges the Head and Body of
ill Humours. Here in England^ the generality of
People frequent Taverns or Alehoufes, and the
conitant cuftom of drinking fuch Liquors as arq
fold there, proves prejudicial to the Health 5 but
\n I'ormoja^ they commonly fpend their 5dle hours
-"■ ' ■■■■■'■■ ^y' ■ ■ - '■ ■ • iit
the Ifie Formola. 105
In walking or chatting together, and fmoking a
Pipe of Tobacco ^ and if we drink any thing, it
is only a dllh or two of Tea or Cbi/a^ which if
it does not any good, atleaft is no ways hurtful:
And hence it comes to pafs, that we generally
live longer there than Men do here, and are free
from many Difeafes to which Engliflmen are lia-
ble. 'Tis a miltake to think that the Air alone
will preferve our Health, unlefs we be alfo tem-
perate in eating and drinking ♦, and this I have
tbund true by experience, that no difl:in8:ion of
Climates has ever deprav'd my temper and con-
ftitution of Body, but by the help of temperance
I have (till preferred my Healrh, thanks be to
God, not only in my own Country, but in all
the other Countries through which I have tra-
velled, except fince my coming into Europe^ I
have now and then been afflifted with the Gout,
But to return ro the Difeafes of formofa^ the
fmall Pox is very rife there, and fcarce one ef-
capes them> ^ but we have them commonly whilft
we are very young, as in the firft or 6th Month,
or the firft or fecond Year after we are born, but
we very feldom have them after we are three
Years old," neither do I remember that I have ever
heard of one that died of that Difeafe.
After the Small-pox, there commonly fucceeds
a certain Difeafe which we call Schimpyo which
is only a rednefs of the Flefh, together with a
great internal heat : And the Infants which are
troubled with this Difeafe run the hazard of
Death, unlefs they be kept at a diftance from a
ferene Air, and live in places that are very warm
imtil they b^ cur'd. But thefe two Difeafes inci-
dent to Children laft no longer than three, or ac
moft four Weeks,
The
io6 A Description of
The Colick is very violent and common with
us ^ cold generally caufeth it, but feme have it
that keep themfelves tenderly ^ if we cure it, 'tis
by drinking ftrong Liquors, fwallowing Silver
Bullets, or hanging the fick by the Feet •, but
thefe Medicines feldom take place ^ and the pain
is fo intolerable that we often kill our felves^ or
defire a Friend to do it, rather than live in fuch
Mifery •, no Man will refufe the Office, becaufe
we think it rather an a£l of Humanity than Cru^
elty, by any means to deliver a Man from fuch
intenfe Torments ^ yet 'tis a capital Crime for
any Man to apply this fatal Remedy, unlefs the
jSck defire it.
Women in Child-bed are in great danger of
Death. Which I think proceeds from want of
Exercife, becaufe when they are with Child they
never ftir out of the Chamber, but fit and work
there all the day long : Many of them die before
they bring forth, or if they efcape Death, yet at
lealt they are cruelly tormented with pains, which
fome of them endure for a whole Month before
they are brought to Bed.
Maids, for the moll part, when they come to
be eighteen or twenty Years old, are troubled
with a certain Difeafe which we call Chatarsko^
and here in England is called the Green-ficknefs^
which makes them melancholly, and deftroys all
their appetite to any thing (except Matrimony)
corrupts the Blood , and makes them pale-co-
lour'd. This Defeafe is peculiar to the Female
Sex, for which we know no other Remedy but
Marriage.
Thefe are all the Difeafes which I can remem-
ber ; but there may be others unknown to me.
I v;ill conclude with this general Obfervation,
that both Men and Women^ for the moft part,
die
the Ijle Formofa. 1 07
die rather of a great old Age, than of any Difeafe,
except in Child-bearing and fits of the Colick ;
and you m?y frequently fee Men a Hundred Years
old, without labouring under any grievous Di-
Jeafe. If any ask me whether we have the French
Pox amongft us, I anfwer, I never heard of any
fuch Difeafe, and probably there is no fuch thing
in Formofa ^ becaufe we allow Polygamy and pro-
hibit Adultery,
CHAP. XXV.
Of the Kc'venues of the King^ the Vice<^
Roy^ the General of the Army^ and
of all others in high f laces of Forver
and Trnji,
THE King, befides the third part of the Gold
and Silver dug out of the Mines, which is
paid him by the Vice-Roy, as hath been obferv'd
in the Chapter of Metals, receives alfo from the
Emperor of fapa^i 400000 Copans ^ out of which
Revenue he is to pay 15000 fapa;: Soldiers a-
bove-mentioned, his own Guards, and to main-
tain the Port of his Court. The Carillcin or
General, has every Year about 70000 Copans.
The Vice-Roy has 16 87 60 Copans*, out of which
he pays to the Gnotoy Bonzo, or the High Prieft,
50000 for himfelf : To the feven Gnat 01^
Tarhadiazos, or Chief Sacrificators, 7700 : To
the four Governours of the four Ifles, 3600, viz.
tp each of them 900 ; To the fix Governours of
the
lo8 A Description of
the fix Cities, 3000, viz. to each of them 500:
To the fixteen Governours of the Villages and
Towns, 4000, viz. to fonae of them 300, to
others 250, and to others 200. But the Secular
Priefts are maintain'd by the People. After all
which Disburfemenrs, there remains in the hands
of the Vice-Roy 100460^ out of which he is to
pay his Soldiers, and all Officers employed by
the Government, as Searchers, Guards, andfuch-
like : But this Revenue of the Vice- Roy is not
always a certain ftated Sum, for fometimes he re-
ceives more, fometimes lefs •, but the others a-
bove-mentiond receive always the fame Sa-
laries.
This Revenue of the Vice-Roy 'arifes partly
from the Mines, partly from a Tax of a fifth
part of all Goods, which is paid by Merchants,
Countrymen, and all others w^ho have no Office
under the Government, and is called Tuen Koon
Bogio, i. e. two parts out of ten ^ and from ano-
ther Tax which is rais'd upon all Goods export-
ed and imported, which is called Tuen De/de
Bogio^ becaufe they pay a third part to the
Vice-Roy.
CHAR XXVI.
Of all the Fruits of the Grotmd.
NO Corn, fuch as Wheat and Barley grows ia
the Ifle of Formofa ^ and the realbn of it
is, becaufe the Sun being very hot, the So;l is
fandy and dry, and fo the Grain is dry'd up, not
having fufficient moifture^ before it is fully ri-
pened:
the Ifle Formofa. 1 09
pen'd : But inftead of Corn we make ufe of
Roots to make Bread. There are two Roots of
which we make Bread, whereof one is called
Ch'itok^ and the other Magnok : Both thefe Roots
are fown like Rape feed, and when they are ripe
are as big as a Man's Thigh. Thefe Roots grow
twice, and fometimes thrice in a Year, when it
is a good feafon ^ and as foon as they are fully
ripe, they are cut off and laid in the Sun to be
dried, and then we make Flower of them, which
being mix'd with Milk, Water, Sugar'^and Spices
is baked ^ and fo it makes a very good fort of
Bread, as white as Snow, and is call'd by us
Khatzadao, We have Bread alfo made of Wheat,
which is brought to us from foreign Parts ; but
that is too dear for the common fort of People.
We have a kind of Bread alfo made of Rice boil-
ed with Saffron, which Bread is like an EngUJIy
Pudding, and is called Kdekh ^ but this Bread
will not keep like the former.
We have Vines alfo, and make Wine of the
Grapes in fome few places ^ but this Wine is
not fo fweet as the Spamjh Wine in Europe ^
from whence we have that and other Wines, and
alfo Ale, brought by the Dutch ^ but they are
very dear, and are not fo much lov'd by the Na-
tives as they are by the Europeans. We have
many other kinds of Drink, as, Ar magnok^ Fun-
tet^ Charpok^ Chilack^ Coffee^ andTt'r^. Ar-mag-
nok^ i. e. the fellow of Magnok^ becaufe thefe
two are an agreeable mixture for Health, which
Liquor is made after this manner. We boil a
great quantity of Rice in Spring-water till it
grows very thick, and then we make Balls of it
as big as a Man'sFitt, which we dry in the Sun,
and then boil them in frefh Spring- water ^ and
when it is boil'd enough^ we put it into great
earthen
1 1 o A Defcription of
earthen Vefiels, and let it I: ment, and after that,
it is as ftrong or rather ftroi^er thanE;?^///^ Beer 5
and the longer it is kept, tne ftronger it grows 5
this Liquor beinjj diftil'd, affords abundance of
Spirit like Brandy. Pumet is a Liquor that runs
from fome Trees, which we tap at a certain fea-
ibn of the Year : And the Liquor that comes
from them we receive into Vefiels, and mix it
with Sugar, and then having kept it for fome
time, it has the fame tafte as foft Ale made of
Oat-Makt Charpok is the name of the Fruit of
a Tree, and of the Liquor that comes out of it:
The Tree is like a Wall-nut Tree, but in this dit
fers from all other Trees, that whereas their
Fruit hangs downward , the Fruit of this ftands
upright ^ in (hape and bignefs it refembles a
Gourd, and is of a Citron Colour ^ when it is ripe
then it is gathered, and from it we make four
different drinks ^ firft, we make little holes in it
and the Liquor that drops from it is as ftrong al-
moft as Brandy. 2dly, We prefs it between our
hands, ^dly. We put it into a wooden prefs*
Laftly, We boil the dry prefs'd Fruit in Water,
and then it makes a Liquor like fmall Beer in
England. Chilak is a kind of white Powder, and
is boil'd after the fame manner as Coffee^ either
with Milk, or Water ^ but in this it differs from
Ccffee^ that it may be drunk cold, whereas Coffee
is always drunk hot. This Powder is made of
a root call'd Chi-^ the Chinefe ufed a pleafant, but
not clean way to make drink of this Root, firft
giving it to a toothlefs old Woman to chew, and
then boyling it in Milk or Water. Tea and Coffee
are of the fame fort, and the Liquors are made
after the fame manner there as every-where elfe.
Befides thefe Liquors, they have many other
forts : Such are the Bullan^ which is made of
Apples
the IJle Formofa. 1 1 1
Apples and Pears, or of Oranges and Lemmons,
and another Liquor, which is made like the Or-
geat of the fame Materials : And laftly, they
who can get no other Liquor, drink Milk and
Water.
We have almoft all the Fruits in Formofa which
you have in England^ but not fo great variety,
nor in fuch large quantities. We have only two
forts of Apples, the firft of a prodigious fize, half
red and half tawny ^ the kernels rattle when you
move the Apple. The other is yellow, and not
fo large, and has fmall fpots on it, as if prick'd
with a Needle. Our Pears are very yellow,
and as big (fome bigger) than a Man's fill.
Cherries only grow in one Ifland, and they are as
big as a Wallnut, very hard, white on one fide, and
reddifh on th'other. Apricocks and Peaches are as
common, as Nuts and Plums are fcarce. There are
other Fruits, the like I have not feen elfewhere,
but I know not very well how to defcribe them.
Befides ,thefe, we have many other things, fuch
as Oranges, Lemmons, Sugar in great quantities ^
and Spices, as Pepper, Cinamon, Cloves, Nutmegs,
Tea, Coco's, Coffee, and the like, which are ei-
ther wholly wanting here, or at leaft grow very
rarely in England, Our Trees bear twice in a
Year, and the Fig-tree three or four times : And
thefe Fruits you have here ( of the fame kind
with ours) are not half fo great, or fo well-
tafted •, fo that the Ground there feems to have
a peculiar virtue for ripening and improving the
Fruit, which here it has not. As for inftance,
you have here the lame fort of Trees, which are
there called Funtet ; but pierce thefe Trees here
when you will, and you will find they will not
run the 20th part of the Liquor which they yield
there, neither is it fg well tafted. And this is
confirmed
Ill A Defer iption of
confirmed by the experience of many. We have
3 prodigious quantity of Rice -^ this Grain is
now fo well known in Europe^ that I fuppofe
I need not defcribe it. As for Plants, I was
very little acquainted with them, fo Ifliall only
tell you, that we have one, valued above all the
feft,' by us 'tis called Tambackh^ and in Europe^
Tobacco,
CHAP. XXVIL
Of the things which we commonly eat^
BEfides Bread and Fruit, of which we have
fpoken already, we eat alfo Flefh, but not
of all forts of Beafts, for the Flefh of feveral
Beafts ( as has been formerly obferved ) is for-
bidden : But we are permuted to eat of Swines
Flefh i of ail forts of Fowl, except Pigeons and
Tuitles ^ of all forts of Venifon, except the Hart
and the Doe, of all the Fifh that fwlm in the Sea
or the Rivers without any exception. We alfo eat
humane Flefh, which I am now convinced is a
very barbarous cultom, tho' we feed only upon
our open Enemies, (lain or made captive in the
Field, or elfe upon MalefaSors legally executed;
the Flefh of the latter is our greateft dainty, and
is four times dearer than other rare and delicious
meat ^ we buy it of the Executioner, for the Bo-
dies of all publick capital Offenders are his Fees ;
as foon as the Criminal is dead, he cuts the Bo-
dy in pieces, fqueezeth out the Blood, and makes
his Houfe a fliambles for the Flefh of Meh
and Women, wheri ^.11 People mt ^aifi afford
the Ijle Formofa. 1 1 5
it come and buy. I remember, about ten Years
ago, a tall, well-complexion'd, pretty fat Vir-
gin, about 19 Years of Age, and Tire- woman to
the Queen , was found guilty of High Treafon
for defigning to poifon the King ^ and according-
ly (he was condemn'd to fufFer the moft cruel
Death that could be invented , [Vide the Chap.
of Laws,] and her Sentence was, to be nailed to
a Crofs, there to be fed and kept alive as long
as poflible j the Sentence was put in execution •,
when (he fainted with the cruel Torment, the
Hang-man gave her Strong Liquors, ^c. to revive
her-, the fixth Day (he died : Her Long fuffer-
ings. Youth and good Conftitution, made her
Flefh fo tender, delicious and valuable, that the
Executioner fold it for above eight Taillos^ for
there was fuch thronging to this inhuman Mar-
ket, that Men of great fafhion thought them-
lelves fortunate if they could purchafe a pound
or two of it.
As to eating our Enemies, Tradition tells us.
That when in our former Wars our Fore-fathers
had conquered their Foes, they feafted upon the
Slain, the better to gratifie their Eicvenge, and to
deter others from invading or oppofing them •,
they carried their Revenge farther yet, for they
hung up the Sculls, Bones, and Weapons of their
Enemies in the faireft Rooms of their Houfes,
and looked upon them as the richelt Ornaments.
And I believe our Anceftors, having thus found
the delicious relifh of human Flefh, and the
fweetnefs of Revenge, introduced this anthropo-
t)hagous Culfom and barbarous Triumph , which
their Pofterity obferve to this day.
We generally eat all forts of unforbidden Flefh
raw ^ now and then (but 'very rarely,) you (hall
fee a Man put his Meat into boiling Water to
I ckanfe.
114 ^ Defer iptmt of
cleanfe, and juft warm it •, another perhaps you
may find toaiting it before the Fire, to take off
the waterlflinefs, but both let their Flefh be cold
before they eat: With all our Meat we ufe
Pepper, Cloves, Cinanaon, Nutmegs, or other
Spices-, and inftead of Salt, Sugar. Fifh in-
deed is not eaten quite raw, but we dip it in
Water, then in Rice flower, and warm it upon
the Coals.
Snakes are reckoned amongft our Dainties^ but
Vipers are much more efteem'd ^ we drefs both
as we do Fi(h •, but to prevent being poifon'd
by the Vipers, whilft they are alive, we beat
them with Rods until they be very angry ^ and
when they are in this furious Paffion , all the
Venom that was in the Body aicends to the Head,
which being then cut off , they may be fafely
eaten. We feed alfo upon Hen eggs, Goofe eggs,
and the like ^ and all forts of wholfom Herbs
and Roots, but upon thefe we beftow no
Cookery.
Rice is common Food with us, of which our
Cooks will make twenty Difhes, all different in
tafte and colour : 'Tis obferv'd that the eatmg
fo much Rice is prejudicial to the Eyes, and
hence perhaps moft ot my Country-men are fhort-
fighred.
We feed much alfo upon Peaf« and Beans,
drefs'd after the fame manner as we do Rice.
Thefe are all things (as I remember) that we
commonly feed upon.
CHAP.
the Ijle Formofa. i i ^
CHAP. XXVIII.
Of our manner of Eatings Drinking^
Smoah^ng and Sleeping.
\ft^ A ^ ^ ^^^ ^^" ^'^^^ without working, eat
_l\. their Breakfafts about feven of the
Clock in the Mornings firft they fmoke a Pipe
of Tobacco , then they drink Bohea , Green or
Sage Tea ^ afterwards they cut off the Head of
a Viper, and fuck the Blood out of the Body |
this, in my humble Opinion, is the moll whol-
fom Breakfail a Man can make. Our Dinners
are composed of the Food mention'd in the laft
Chapter. We fup chiefly upon Fruits and pre-
ferv'd Spices •, every Man drinks what he plea-
feth ^ but Tobacco is always uled after Meals,
being look'd upon as one of the molt neceflary
things for preferving our Lives.
Our Tables are not above a Cubit high , and
We fit round them upon the Floor crofs-legg'd^
like the Taylors here in England ^ People of
Fafhion fit upon Cufliions. We ufe no Knives
and Forks at the Table, but our Meat is cut very
fmall before it is brought thither, and then in-
ftead of Forks every one has two (harp- pointed
Sticks , and thus with both hands we feed our
felves as fait as we can. Liquids, and what here
you call Spoon-meats, our ordinary People take
up with the hollow of their Hands *, but thofe
who eat nicely, ufe fine Shells inltead of Spoons.
Men of Eftates have Difhes, Plates, Trenchers,
and fuch like Utenfils at their Tables^ but inftead
1 2 of
1 1(5 A Defmptioft of
of thefe, the common People cut round holes iu
their Tables.
2d/y, Every Perfon of Fafhion has his Cup to
driuk out of, but the common People drink all
out of one VeffeL We never drink Healths as
the Europeans do •, but when one has drank,
he fays, who will drink > If no one offers, then
he puts the Veflel by him till it is ask'd for. We
do not touch the Veffel with our Lips, but hold
it at a dlflance, and pour it into our Mouths.
5^//^, We have different ways of Smoaking:
A good Smoaker has a (hort Pipe with a large
Bowl that will hold about a quarter of a Pound
of Tobacco ♦, thofe that are not fo great Smoak-
ers, have lefs Pipes ♦, and thofe who do not love
the oily Heat of Tobacco, fmoak thro' Canes two
or three Yards long •, others ufe no Pipes, but roll
a Leaf of Tobacco hard, light it at one end^ and
fuck at the other.
Here I mult not omit to defcribe the admirable
way of fmoaking a fociahle Pipe : Suppofe ten
or iifceen Friends fat round a Table, in the middle
of it is a thing like the Bowl of a Pipe that holdsi
m more than four or five pounds of Tobacco j
there are holes ftop'd round the bottom of this
Bowl ^ then comes a Servant with a burning hot
piece of Copper, and a bundle of fmall Canes 5
he lights the Tobacco with the Copper, and eve-
ry one takes a Cane, unftops a hole, and fixeth
his Cane in it^ and thus they fmoak dijociable
Fipe. Our fingle fmoaking is call'd Abiaor : But
this fociable way is call'd Abiaozaor^ i. e, fmoak-"
ing together. And this is fuch a mark of Friend-
fiiip, that if you ask a Man whether he be inti-
mately acquainted with another, he will anfwer.
We have fmoak'd together, ufing the word Abiao-
zaoTi
Her§
ihe Ijle Formo(a. i i j
Here alfo let me obferve, that as Philofophers
fay, there are four Elements without which the
World cannot fubiift ^ fo we fay, there are four
things abfolutely necefTary for Man's Life, viz.
Eating, Drinking, Smoaking and Sleeping •, and
for this reafon. People of all Ages and Conditi-
ons fmoak in tormo/a ^ even Children as foon as
ever they can hold a Pipe, are taught to fmoak
hy their Mothers.
4r/;/y, The fourth thing necelTary for Life is
Sleep. Traders and Labouring Men allow rhem-
felves generally feven hours reft, from nine at
Night till four in the Morning : Men of Eilates
allow themfelves about fix hours, from eleven
at Night to fivQ in the Morning •, yQt both reft
or rife according as extraordinary Occafions
require : Men of great Quality lye upon
four Beds, the lowed is of Rice-ftraw, then one
of Wool, the third of Feathers, and above that
a Cotton^Quilt^ their Sheets are commonly made
of Silk, and they go to bed in Long-iilk Gowns.
Burghers and Trades- men have double Beds, the
lower of Leaves of Trees, and the upper of
Wool. The Country People lye upon Straw,
Leaves of Trees, or the like cheap and courfe
things.
CHAP. XXIX.
Of the Animals in Formofa, which are
not found in England.
GEnerally fpeaking, all the Animals which
breed in England are to be found in Forme*
fa •, but there ar$ many others which do not breed
I 3 here.
1 1 8 A Pefcription of
here, as Elephants, Rhinocerots, Camels^ all
which are tame, and very ufeful for the fervice
of Man. Sea-horfes alfo are fometimes feen up-
on our Coaft. But we have other wild Bealts
which are not bred here, as Lions, Boars, Wolves^
Leopards, Apes, Tygers, Crocodiles-, and there
are alfo wild Bulls, v^^hich are more fierce than
any Lion or Boar, which wg believe to be the
Souls of fome Sinners undergoing a great Pe-
nance, We have an Animal alfo with a Head
and Body like a fmall Cow, Horns like a Harr,
and the Tail of a Goat ^ 'tis eafily tamed, and
ferves for the fame ufes as a Horfe. But we
}cnow^ nothing of Dragons or Land-Unicorns, on-
ly we have a Fifh that has one Horn : And wo
never faw any Griphons, which we believe to be
rather fitlions of the Brain than real Creatures.
Befides the Annuals above mentioned, we have
alfo familiar Serpents, which we carry about our
Bodies ^ and Toads, which we keep in our Houfes
to attraft all the Venom that may happen there ^
and Weafels for eating of Mice , and Tortoifes
for our Gardens. There is alfo a kind of Ani-
mal much like a Lizzard, but not fo big, which
we call Varchiero^ i. e. the Perfecutor of Flies ^
its Skin is fmoorh and clear, like Glafs, and ap-
pears in various Colours according to the fituation
qf its Body •, 'tis wonderful to fee how eagerly
and induftrioufly it purfues the Flies wherefoever
it fees them, upon a Table, or on Flefh, or in
Drink, and it feldom fails of catching thenri.
This kind of Animal is to be found only in Japan
and A77ierka^ befides the Ifle of Formofa.
Though the aforefaid Animals do not breed in
England , yet they are too well known here to
peed any particular Defcription.
CHAP.
the Ifle Formofa. 1 1 p
CHAP. XXX.
Of the Language of the Formofans.
TH E Language of formofa is the fame with
that of Jv//Jtf/;, but with this difference, that
the Japannefe do not pronounce fome Letters
gutrurally as the formofans do : And they pro-
nounce the Auxifiary Verbs without that elevati-
on and depreflion of the Voice which is ufed in
formofa. Thus for inltance, the formofans pro-
nounce the prefent Tenfe without any elevation
or falling of the Voice, as Jerh Chato^ ego awo ^
and the preterperfea we pronounce by raifing the
Voice, and the future Tenfe by falling it •, but the
preterimperfe8: , the plufquam ferjeUum , and
paulo poft futuru?n^ we pronounce by adding the
auxiliary Verb : Thus the Verb Jerh Chato^ ego
amo^ in the preterimperfeSl Tenfe Jervieye chato^
Ego cram arHans^ or according to the Letter, F.go^
eram amo ^ in the preterperfeft Tenfe it is Jerh
Chato , and th.e Voice is raifed in the pronuncia-
tion of the firit Syllable, bur falls in pronoun-
cing the other two ^ and in the plufquam perfc-
Hum the auxiliary Verb viey is added , and the
fame elevation and falling of the Voice is ob-
ferv'd as in the preterit. The future Tenfe of
Jerh Chato is pronounced by falling the Voice in
the firft Syllable, and raifing it in the reft^ and
thQ pauIo poft futitrum is pronounced afrer the
fame manner, only adding the Verb Viar^ as Jerh
viar Chato^ egoero anp. Bur the Japannefe fjy,
Jerh Qhato^ Jerh Chataye^ Jerh Cbataf\^ pronoun-
i 4 ' cing
1 20 A Defcription of
cing the auxiliary Verb always after the fame
manner.
The Japa;^ Language has three Genders ^ all
forts of Animals are either of the Mafculine or
Feminine Gender, and all inanimate Creatures are
of the Neuter : But the Gender is only known
by the Articles, e.g. oi^ hic^ ey^ hac^ and ay^ hoc ^
but in the Plural Number all three Articles ^re
^like.
They have no Cafes , and they ufe only the
fingular and plural Number, but not the Dual ;
As for Example, oi b ana jo., hie homo^ os banajos^
hi homines. But, fince I do not intend to write a
Grammar of the Language, but only give fome
Idea of it, it may be fufficient to add this gene-
ral Obfervation, That it is very eafie, founds mu-
fically, and is very copious. If any onefhallask
from what Language it is deriv'd? I anfwer.
That I know of no other Language , except that
of Japan., that has any great affinity with it ^
but I find many words in it which feem to be de-
rived from feveral other Languages, only changing
either the fignification or termination.
Our way of writing is different from any I ever
faw or heard of I (hall firft fay fomething of
the manner of writing amongft our Neighbours,
the Chinefe and Japannefe ^ and then (hevy you
how we write in For772ofa,
firft. Every Traveller knows, that the Learned
amonglt the Chinefe ufe fuch Charafters, that by
the addition or diminution of Points they fignifiq
one or more words ^ and this way of writing is
fo hard to learn, that I believe their Merchants
and Traders have an eafier Alphabet to keep their
Accounts with ^ and I have fome reafon for this
^ifercipn j for many young Men often or fifteen
''''■■' ' " ' ' ■•■ ^ ' •■ 'Years
the Ijle Formofa. 1 2 j
Years of Age bred to trade, will keep their Ma-
ilers Books exa£lly •, whereas you can fcarce find
a Man under 30 Years of Age that can readily
write the Language and Charafters of the Chi-
nefe, Befides, I have feen many Boxes and Bales
of Chinefe Merchandize, with the Names, Weight
and Value upon them, and all in Characlers far
different from what the Bonzos and other learn-
ed Chinefe ufe ; But of this I can fey no more,
for I was not curious, nor at leifure to Iludy that
Language thoroughly.
Secondly , The Japannefe have four ways of
writing : The firft from the top of the Page to
the bottom in a perpendicular Line j this way
'tis thought they had from the Chinefe , as it is
alfo that they had their Ch,ara£lers from them ^
but time, and they hating the Chinefe^ has very
much alter'd the latter. 'The fecond way is known
only to the Priefts, and every one of their Cha-
raQers fignifies a whole Sentence ^ they write
from the left hand to the right, as the Europeans
do. The third way is much eafier than the two
former, and this they do by an Alphabet of
12 Vowels and 61 Confonants , with thefe they
can readily exprefs or fignifie moll Sounds , or
Modulations of the Voice ; This way of writing
is from the right to the left, from thence to
the right again, and fo on backwards and for-
wards to the end of the Page, fo that the whole
Page is but one continued curve Line. This way
of writing is called Ribanatohy/n^ fron> Ribanar
to write, and Tohym^ which anfwers the Englijh
words backwards and forwards. The fourth is
what they have learnt from us, and of which I
^m about to fpeak.
Thirdly^ We in Yormofa ufe a far more clear
5n4 eafie way than either above- mentioned ; We
liave
12 2 A Defcription of
have but 20 Letters, but every Letter has four or
five Significations, according to the oppofition of
fome Points , or the pofture of the Letter. See
the Figure'annex'd.
We were wholly ignorant of Letters before
our Law-Giver Pfalmanaazaar canne to us j he
wrote our Jarhabadiond in the fame Chatafters
we now ufe •, and this way of writing he pre-
tended was a Divine Gift ^ he taught it the
Prielts, and they taught others, fo that now we
have fcarce any Man of what condition foever
but he can read and write. The Emperor of Ja-
pan^ after he had conquer'd our Ifland, was very
curious to learn our way of writing ^ and he eafi-
ly acquired it •, fo that by his Example, 'tis now
A-la-mode in Japan , and perhaps more ufed
amongft the Quality than any of the three. ways
afore-mention'd.
They have many particular Rules, as to the
ufe of thefe Letters, which it would be endlefs
as well as ufelefs here to fet down, and therefore
I fliall only add the Names of fome things that
are molt common, and fubjoin to them the Lord's
Prayer, the Creed, and Ten Commandments in
that Language, to give the Reader Ame Idea of
it.
The Emperor is call'd in that Language, hag-
hathaan Cheveraal^ i. e. the moll high Monarch ^
the King* Bagalo^ or Angon •, the Vice-Roy, Ba-
galendro^ or Bagaknder ^ the Nobles, Tanos ^
the Governours of Cities or liles, os Tanos Soul
letos ^ the Citizens, Voulinos ^ the Countrymen.
Barhaw ^ the Soldiers, P/cJJlos ^ a Man, Ba/iajo ^
a Woman , Bajane ^ a Son , Bot -^ a Daughter .
Bori J a Father, Poniio ^ a Mother, Porniin ^ a
Brother,
fai Lory, Eyfodere fai Bagalin , Jorhe fai
Will
pac]-i2,z.
Name
Fower
I'i^iiJY
.A'^r/z/f'
y\m
A
a
•r
I
1
J
Mem
M
111
111
J
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J
.eJ
7\er
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n
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ucU
1 apli
r
til
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-h
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L aiiido
L
11
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^ am do
^'
di
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b
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33JlJ
\oincra
V
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11
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A
A
iqu^Za
B ag*f lo
b
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X
53TIX
Oamiio
II
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3uJI 1
Pedlo
p
PP
p
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r7«
Kaphi
K
l£
X
w
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oxi A
()mda
O
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3
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I
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^^afara
X
xh
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i^fo l*-J
Dam
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X/ aniphi
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T Slnf^rTA
the I fie Formofa, 125
Brother, Geovreo •, a Sifter, Javrann •, Kinfmen,
Arvauros ^ an Ifle, Avia ^ a City, T//A? ^ a Vil-
lage, Cajfeo'^ the Heaven, Orhnio-^ the Earth,
Bad'i:, the Sea, il;/^ •, Water, Omllo,
The reafon why the Japan Languagne differs
from that of the Cainefe and formofans^ is this,
becaufe the Japanncfe being for their Rebellion
banifh'd from Qhina^ fettled in the Ifles of Ja-
fan-^ upon which account they fo much hate
the C/?/;/^/^, that they have changed all things
they had in common with them, as to their Lan-
guage, Laws, Religion, Habits, ^c. So that
there is no affinity between the Japan and Q?/-
nefe Language. But the Jafdnnefe being the
firft Inhabitants oiformofa , brought their Lan-
guage along with them into that Ifland, which
IS now much more perfeft than it was at their
firft coming. Yet the Formofans preferve ftill the
purity of their Language without any confiderable
alteration, whereas the Japannefe are continually
changing and improving it every Day.
But that the Reader may have fome Idea of
the formofan Language, I have here fubjoin'd the
Lord's Prayer, the Apoftles Creed, and the Ten
Commandments in that Language, printed in Ro-
ipan Charafters,.
lihe Lord's Prayer.
Koriakia Vpmera.
OUR Farher who In Heaven art^ HdUowed
Amy Pornio dan chin Ornio viey,Gnayjorhe
ie thy Name , Co;ne thy Kingdom^ Be done thy
fai Lory, Eyfodere fai Bagalin , Jorhe fai
Will
124 ^ Defcription of
Will as in Heaven^ aljo in Earth fo^ Our
domionapochin Ornio, kay chin Badi eyen, Amy
bread daily give us to day^ and for-
khatfada nadakchion toye ant nadayi , kay ra-
give i^ our trefpajjes^ as we forgive our
donaye ant amy fochin , apo ant radonenn amy
trefpaffers^ do lead us not into temptation^ but
fochiakhin, bagne ant kau chin malaboski, all
deliver us from Evil^ for thine is the King-
abinaye ant tuen Broskaey, kens fai vie Baga-
dom^ and Glory ^ and Omnipotence to all Ages,
lin, kay Fary, kay Barhaniaan chinania fendabey.
Amen.
Amien.
The Jpofiles Creed.
I Believe in God the almighty Father^
Jerh noskion chiu Pagot barhanian Pornio,
Creator of Heaven and of Earth :
Chorhe tuen Ornio kay tuen Badi :
And in Jejm Chrijl his beloved Son
Kay chin J. Chrifto ande ebdoulamin Bot
our Lord , who conceived was of the Holy
amy Koriam , dan vienen jorh tuen Gnay
Ghojl , born of Mary the Virgin^ fuf-
Piches , ziesken tuen Maria Boty , lak-
feredunderFontiusFilate^was crucified^ dead^
chen bard Pontio Pilato, jorh carokhen, bosken,
and buried^ defcended to the infernal places^
kay badakhen, mal-fien chin xana khie,
on the third day /ofe from the dead^ afceniei
charby nade jandafien tuen bosken, kan-fieo
into Heaven^ fitteth at the right hand of God
chinn Ornio, xaken chin teftar-olab tuen Pagot
the Ifle Formofa. 125
his Father almighty^ who will come to judge
ande Pernio barhanian, d^ foder banaar
quick and dead.
tonien kay bosken,
I believe in the Holy Ghojt,
Jerh noskiou chin Gnay Piches^
the Holy Catholic^ Church,
Gnay Ardanay Chflae,
the Communion of Saints,
Ardaan tuen Gnayji,
the Remiffion of Sins,
Radonayun tuen Sochin,
the Re/urreSion of the llefh,
Jandafiond tuen Kriken,
the Life Eternal Amen.
Ledum Chalminajey. Amien,
the Ten Commandments.
HEear 0 I/rael , I cm the Lord thy
Giftaye O Ifrael, Jerh vie ci Korian iai
God who brought thee out of the Land of Egypt,
Fagot dan bayneyefen tuen Badi tuen Egypto,
and out of houfe of bondage,
kay tuen kaa tuen flapar.
I. Not have another God before me.
Kau zexe apin Pagot oyto Jenrh.
II. Not make to thee a graven Image,
Kau Gnadey fen Tandatou,
not an Image like to thofe things which in
kau adiato bfekoy oios day chin
Heaven are, or in Earth, or under the Earth,
Ornio vien, ey chin Badi, ey mal Badi,
not worfhip , not ferve it , for I am
kau eyvomerej kau conraye oion^ kens Jerhvie
thy
1^5 A Defer ipt ion of
thy Lord God jealous^ and I vifit tlk
fay Korian Fagot fpa^ou, kay Jerh lournou os
fiTis of the bather icpon the ^ans ^ unttl the
fochln tuen Pornio janda los Bocos , pel chin
third and jourth Generation of thofe zoho
charby kal^ kiorbi Grebiachim dos oios dos
we ' hdte^' and mercy 1 do to
genr videgan, kai teltulda Jerh gnadoo chin
thoufand Generations of them who me love ,
janace Grebiachim dos oios dos genr chataan ,
and my precepts keep,
kai mios beloiiofhautuo laan.
III. Not take the name of God thy
Kau chexner ai lory tuen Pagoc fai
Lord in vain^ for the Lord will not hold inno-
Korian beiray, kens oi Korian kau avitere aza-
cent him 'who his Name fh all take in vain,
ton oion dan ande Lory chexneer bejry.
IV. Refnember that thou Janliifie th^ Sabbath ^
Vdnnen ido fen mandaar aiChenaberi
^x days labour and do all thy Work ,
dekie nados farbey kai ynade aoia fai Farbout^
but the fevcnth is the day of Sabbath of
ai ai meniobi vie ai nade tuen Chenaber tuen
thy Lord , not labour in that day^ thou not thy
fai Kofian kau farbey chin ai nade, fen kau fai
fon^ not thy daughter^ not thy man-fervant^ not
hot, kau fai boti, kau fai fger-bot, kau
thy maid- ferv ant ^ not the jfr anger who before thy
fai fger-boti , kau oi janhero dan fplan fai
gates Is ^ for the Lord created Heaven;^
brachosviey, kens oi Korian chorheye Ornio,
Earthy Sea^ and all things v:hich in them are
Badi, Anfo,' kai ania dai chin oios vien
in fix days^ and on the feventh refled ,
chin dekie nados, kai ai meniobe ftedello,
therefore
the Ifie Formofa. 127
therefore he blejjed the feventh day and hal
kenzoy oi skneaye ai meniobe nado kay gnay-
lowed it,
frataye oin.
V. Honour hither and Mother thine that
Eyvomere Pornio kai Porniin foios .ido
may be prolong d thy days in land ^ which
areo jorhen os foios nados chin badi , dnay
the Lord thy God Jhall give thee,
oi Korian fai Pagot toye fen.
VI. ^ot murther.
Kau anakhounie.
VII. l^ot fornicate,
Kau verfierie.
VIII. Not Jleal,
Kau lokieyr.
IX. Not fay a falfe teftimony againfl thy
Kau demech ftel modiou nadaan fai
Brother,
Geovreo.
X. Not covet the houfe of thy Brother^
Kau voliamene ai kai tuen fai Geovreo,
not covet the wife of thy Brother^ not
kau voliamene ey bajane tuen fai Geovreo, kau
covet his man-Jervant^ or his ntaidfervant^
voliamene ande Iger-bot , ey ande fger-boti ,
or his ox^ or his afs , or wbatfoevet
ey ande macho, ey ande fignou , ey ichnay
to him belongs.
oyon ;tavede.
CHAP,
1^8 A Defcription of
CHAR XXXI.
Of the Shippwg of the Formofans*
BEfides the Ships we have for making long
Voyages , we have other Veffels which we
QdWBciIconos and floating Villages^ oi Arcacaf-
feos^ which belong only to Noblemen, and are
made ufe of by them to travel, or take theit
pleafure upon the Riven The Emperor , the
King, Vice-Roy, and the Noblemen , have eve-
ry one a Bale on for himfelf , and a Floating Vil-
lage for their Guards : Which Veffels will be
belt explained by the following Figures.
You mult note, That there is only this diffe-
rence between the B^z/<:^;z of the Emperor, a King,
and a Vice Roy , that the one is a little more
magnificent than the other : The Arcacajfeos or
Floating Villages , in which are the Guards of
him to whom the Bakon belongs, are all alike ;
only the others are not fo long, nor fo broad
aud fplendid as that of the King.
We have no Coaches to travel in by Land ,
hut we have another kind of Carriage which is
much more convenient , for we are carried by
two Elephants, or Camels, or Horfes, in a thing
like a Litter, call'd 'Norinionnos ^ into the
largeft of which thirty or forty Men may enter 5
the Figure whereof is to be feen in the following
Cut.
All thefe Litters, whether they belong to No-
blemen , or inferior People , are made after the
fame manner, faving that fome of them are more
Itately than others.
CHAP,-
.-fV..i^<y
^ JFhatinQ yUlaoe^
/?^-i5-
f\i^: J 2^
^1 G^end^irmus 3dIccrL
Tag :l 2.P
the Ijle Formofa. 1 2^
CHAP. XXXIL
Of the Money of the Formofans.
THE Japannefe have three forts of Money,
whereof fome is made of Gold, and thd
Other two forts are of Silver and Brafs. All thefe
kinds of Money are current in the Ifle oi Formo-
Ja ^ and befides therh , they have fome of Iroh
and Steel.
The higheft piece of Gold that's coin'd at Jd-
pan is caird Rochmoo , and is in value nine Co-
pans and a half A Copan is a piece of coin'd
Gold worth feven Taillos, and aTaillo is a piece
of Silver Coin worth 58 Stivers, according to the
'Dutch way of reckoning, (as Varemm fays,) and
very near worth an Englifl) Crown : But the
Brafs Money is of little value, as the Cax^^ which
are only worth about two Pence of Engl'ijh Mo-
ney -, and yet there are half Caxa and quarter
Cax£ •, but this laft kind of Money is only us'd
in Japan arid not in formofa.
But in the IHe formofa^ a Rochmoo is valu'd on-
ly at eight Copan s^ and each Copan at fix TaiU
los , and a TaiUo at forty eight Stivers ^ not
that thefe feveral pieces of Money weigh lefs in
Formofa in proportion to the Silver , for they
are of the fame weight, but becaufe Gold doth
not bear the fame proportion with Silver in for-
inofa as it doth in Japan ^ for Gold is more plen-
tiful in our Ifland than Silver ♦, and on the con-
ttary , Silver is more plentiful than Gold in Ja-
pan : And befides them , the For ??w fans have a
piece of Steel Money , which they call Colan ,
K and
I ^o A Defcription of
and is of the fame value v/uh a Tai//o^ though
it is not quite fo big. Tliey have alfo Money
made oF Iron , which they call Ruon , a half
Rido;7 , and a quarter Riao;2. Now a Riao;? is
worth the quarter part of a Taillo^ or of a Co/an.
They have a piece of Copper Money, which
they call Capchau^ worth about feven Farthings.
The Figures of all which may be feen in the
following Table.
A Rochmoo^ which weighs eight pound and a
half of Gold is of this fnape : — ^ is the up-
per part of it, whereon is the Head of the Em-
peror •, on the lower part of it are his Arms 5
but on the other fide are the Arms of the King,
who reigns in that Province where the Money
is coin'd. There are alfo half Rochmoos of the
fame fliape, and of half the weight.
A Copan is a piece of Gold which weighs
one pound. In the upper part on one fide, it has
the Head of the Emperor, and in the lower part
the Head of the King : But on the Reverfe it
has their Arms. There are alfo half Copans-^
and both tbefe forts of Money have a hole in the
middle.
A Taillo is a piece of Silver Coin which weighs
four Ounces, and on one fide it has a Sword ^
and on the other are the ancient Characters of the
Japannefe^ denoting its value.
Of tiie Cax^ , fome are round , others four
fquare and triangular ^ but thefe are coin'd only
in Japan,
Our Sreel-Money is of different forts-, a Colan
of Sce^^l weighs four Ounces ♦, we have alfo three
quarters, half, and a quarter of a Colan^ exaft in
proportion and value. The Qolan is fquare ^ one
fide has the Arms of Fveligion, with this Infcrip-
tion
the Ijle Formol^. 131
tion in Yormofan Letters, Honour to God : And
on the other fide are the Arms of the King.
A Riao/2 is a piece of iron Monejr, almoft
of the fame bignefs as a Co/a/2 ^ and is worth
but a quarter of it. It has the fame Infcrip-
tion with a Colan , but its Figure is almoft
round.
ThQCapchau is a piece of Copper Money almoft
of the fame value with a fdpa^ Cafiens or Ctixa 5
its Figure is almoft round, but it has no Infcrip-
tion. There are alfo lialf Kapchaus and quarter
Kapchaus.
CHAP. XXXIIL
Of the Arms of the Japannefe and
Formofans.
EVery one I think knows that the Japannefe
ufe no fuch Arms as are conlmonly us'd
here in Europe : But after tlifi Jefuits and Dutch
came there, they gave them fome Guns and
Muskets, which are not fo many as to be fer-
viceable to them in making War againft their
Enemies, but are kept as Curiofities to be (hewn.
The warlike Inttruments which they make ufe of,
are as follows.
F'/r/?, The Battering-Ram^ which is an En-
gine they ufe for deftroying the Walls of a Ci-
ty. Fachosj which are made of a certain tough
Wood, to which are faftened many fliarp plates
of Steel, and are covered all over with Pitch,
Rofin, and fuch like combuftible Ingredients :
K 2 And
1^2 A Defer if tion of
And when it is kindled, it is thrown out of afi
Engine with fo much force, that the fliarp plates
of Steel will cut three Men through the naiddle,
Itanding direftly behind one another. Next, they
ufe in Fighting long and fhort Spears, Bows, and
Arrows, and Cimiters.
This mult beconfeffed by all that know them,
that they are wonderfully skilful in all the ways
of exercifing their Arms, efpecially in (hooting
an Arrow, which they will direft as exaftly to
the Mark intended, as any European can a Brllet
(hot out of a Musket.
They make Swords and Daggers fo wonder-
fully fine, that they are highly etteemed in all
the Eaftern Countries. Metals are there fo plen-
tiful, and they are fo skilful in melting and
mixing, purging and tempering them, that in
thefe Arts of preparing Metal, they far excel
the Europeans, Iron is the Metal of which the
Japdn?iefe make their Swords and Daggers^ of
which they have one Mine ^ and their Swords
are fo curioufly and exaftly tempered, that one
of them is more precious than a Sword made
of the purelt Gold ; for fome of them are
found to have fb good an edge, that they will
cut a fmall Tree in two with one blow, or di-
vide a piece of Iron in two without blunting
their edge. Their Daggers are made of fueh a
mixture of Metals, that if any one be but
ilightly wounded with them, unlefs he cut off
the wounded Flelh in the fame inftant , the
Wound becomes incurable. Of the fame Mate-
rials they make the heads of their Lances^ Ar*
rotes and Spears, fo that their Wounds are al-
ways mortal, unlefs the fpreading of the Poyfon
be prefently flopped ^ which practice feems to be
unjaftly Gondsmn'd by the Ei{ropea?7s^ iince they
them-
the Ijle Formofa. 133
themfelves make ufe of more deadly Weapons
than are ufual there ; Neither is it any great mat-
ter when we intend to deftroy an Enemy, after
what manner we kill him : Nay, in this rsfpeft
the moft deadly Weapons feem the belt, becaufe
the more they kill, rlie fooner the War is ended,
which is the belt for all Parties.
However, all over the Eaftthe Soldiers former-
ly made ule of thefe Japan Weapons ; But now
the Emperor has prohibited to export them un^
der the pain of Death, fo that none dare bring
them into For7nofa \ yet the King who is fent thi-
ther has a Magazine full of thefe Arms, which
are laid up for a time of War ^ and fo they are
far from being very rare and precious there : Nay,
norwithftanding the prohibition, there are fome
v/ho venture to export them clandeftinely •, for
I remember I law many of them in Goa^ which
are there publickly expos'd to Sale. They ufe
alfo Slings, wherewith they throw Stopes^ yet
this they do but very feldom.
CHAP. XXXIV.
Of the Mufical Infiruments of the Ja^
pannefe and Formofans,
IT muft be acknowledged that the Art of Mu-
fick was not known tor many Years in any of
the Ealtern Countries, neither had the Jafannefa
any certain method of finging and playing upon
Inftruments of Mufick, tho' they had long finco
liJCh a5 fom.ewhat refem.bled the l^rum and the
154 -^ Defcription of
Tub or ^ the Trumpet and Ylagellet^ and others that
I know not what to compare to. But fince
the time that the Europeans came thither, they
have learn'd the way of making and ufing thefe
Inftruments, which are now made almolt after
the fame fafhlon as they are here in England. :
For when they heard the Jefuits play upon the
Organs in their Churches, and fing Muiically af-
ter the manner of the Romijh Church, they were
mightily taken with it, and infiam'd with a de-
lire of learning the Art of Mufick, which now
by their induftry and ingenuity they have attained,
tho' not in perfeSion, yet to fuch a degree as
wonderfully pleafes themfelves ^ and therefore
they commonly ufe both vocal and inftrumental
Mufick at their Marriages, Funerals, Sports and
Recreations ^ and at their Sacrifices, but chiefly
when they facrifice Infants.
Thus it is in Japa?: ^ but in the Ifland of Eor-
mofa^ the Natives' ftill obferve their ancient me-
thod of finging and playing upon Mufical Inftru-
ments, if their way of finging may be called a
pTierhod^ for except fome few particular Prayers,
which are fung by the Priefis only, the People
fing all other things , every one after a different
manner, according to his fancy •, which we do
not look upon as ridiculous, becaufe we know
no better ♦, but on the contrary, the different
Voices and Tones, which every one ufes at plea-
fure , feems to us to make a pleafant Harmo-
ny. After the fame irregular manner we play
upon the Inftruments of Mufick , which are
us'd in Temples, fuch as the Drum^ the T^-
hor^ &c.
We ufe alfo Trumpets and Elagellets^ and o-
ther Inftruments common in England^ and there-
fore I need not d^fcribe them ; But we do not
ufg
the Ifle Formofa. 135
ufe the Harp in our Temples, becaufe we believe
theChrittic-'ns only ufe them. We have likewife
liettle-Drutns which make a harfh and warlike
found, and thefe v/e ule when we go to Battel •
but they are fo big that they muft be carried by
an Elephant. Other Inltruments of Mufick we
have nor.
CHAP, XXXV.
Of the way of Educating our Childreno
I Have already faid, that every Wife takes care
of her own Children, but if (he be the Wife
of a Nobleman, flie has Servant-Maids to look
after them. We begin to teach Children to read
at three Years of Age, and fome of them will
both read and write very well when they come
to be five Years old. Our Mothers have an ex-
cellent method to teach us both to read and wrice
at the fame time. Firft they learn us to repeat
the names of our Letters before they (hew 'em
written ^ when we can fay our Letters, then our
Mothers write down three or four, and put over
them a fheet of our fineft tranfparent Paper, gi-
ving us Pencils (inftead of Pens) to copy the
under-written ^ our Mothers name the Letters as
we write, and give all other neceffary direClions,
fo that by pra6:ifing thus a few Months our Chil-
dren more readily underftand and write, than the
Europeans after they have been Ibme Years at
your publick Schools.
K 4 ]3etween
13^ A Defer ipt ion of
Between the fifth and eighth Years of our Age
our Mothers teach us the Principles of Religion,
and inculcate our Duty to our Parents and Neigh-
bours, and inftruft us in the Manners and Cu-
fioms of our Country, and the like, according to
every one's Condition; At eight Years of Age
we are fcnt to the Schools, where the Prielts
(tor fuch generally are our School-Matters) ex-
amine us what we have learn'd at home, and
they fupply our Deficiencies, and perfeft our
Education. You rnuft not fappofe that Children
of mean Parents can have all thefe advantages,
for the Priefts will be extravagantly paid for
inftruQing us, and fo indeed they are for all
they do. This is the way of Educating our
Boys.
But the Girls have no other Tutors but their
Mothers, who teach them to read, write, all
manner of curious Works, modeft Behaviour, and
all moral Virtues •, and laftly, how they fhall
behave themfelves in a married ftate ^ their Fa-
thers will fomecimes examine what progrefs they
have made. The Daughters being thus bred,
are ftri£t Followers of Virtue and their Mother's
Exhortations, infomuch that they will rather kill
themfelves than condefcend to any afl of Un-
cleanefs. I fhall bring an Example which hap-
pened about eight Years paft, and of which I was
a very near witnefs.
Our Ango?7^ or King being dead, the Emperor
appointed another ^ upon his arrival in our Ifland
he vifiied (according to cuftom ) all the remark-
able places of it ^ amongft the reft he went to
the Great Feorko^ where he was nobly enter*
tain'd by the Governour, one of whofe Wives
was juftly reputed one of the moft modeft^ inge-
nious, and charming Beauties of our Age 5 the
nev^
the IJle ¥ovmo(z. 137
new King ( who was a brisk fanguine Man, a^
bout 35 Years of Age ) was at firll fight greatly
enamour'd with her, and comnnanded the Gover*
nour to fend her to the Royal Palace in Xter-
netfa ^ the Governour might have refus'd, for
the King has no power over another Man's Wife,
but yet he chofe rather to ftain his Honour, than
iofe the favour of the new King ^ and according-
ly, the King was no fooner returned from his
progrefs, but the Governour fent the Lady with a
very fplendid Retinue •, the King received her with
abundance of joy and refpeft, and led her into a
ftately Room, (he fhew'd a modeft chearfulnefs,
tho' forrow fat heavy upon her Heart ^ the en-
deavours (he usM to conceal her Grief, added, if
poflible, to her Beauty, and this enflam'd the
King the more, fo that he forgot his Reafon and
his Dignity, and (hew'd her all the Follies of a
molt extravagant Padion ^ the Lady took advan-
tage of his weaknefs, and kneeling down, begg'd
he would grant her own favour before he enjoy 'd
her^ the King anfwered, he was willing topleaie
her in every thing, but that he muft know what
(he would ask before he could grant. " Then,
reply 'd (he, " the favour I beg, is to be (hut up
- in a private Chamber for three Days and
" Nights, and during that time no one (hall fee
" or (peak to me •, things neceffary for my Life
" or Diverfion (hall be brought once a Day to
•' my door, the Servant that brings thefe things
*< (hall knock and give me notice, and then he
" (hall retire whilft I take them in ^ this pun£lu^
^' ally performed, I (hall obey your Commands.
The King granted herRequeft, and fent her that
very moment into a Chamber, and conltantly the
greateft Rarities of his Table were carried to her,
together with Letters fpU of amorous and tender
exprefiions:
158 A Defcription of
expreffions : When the Servant went the third
Day he was furpriz'd, for he found what he had
carried the Day before ftill lying at the door ^
he quickly informed his Royal Matter, who was
greatly concern'd at it ^ however, for his word's
fake, he ftaid till the time was fully expired,
and then he went himfelf to the door, where ha-
ving knocked and calFd in vain, he conamanded
the door to be broken, and entering the Room,
he found the ViQuals in a corner of it, and the
Lady ftarved to Death. Here's a tragical Scene
that I want words to defcribe, and the King was
fo affli£ted at it, that I am not able to exprefs
his Sorrows ^ he immediately kneel'd by the Bo-
dy of the virtuous Lady, and Iwore by his gieat
Patron Amida^ that he never more would make
the like attempt : He buried her with all rhe
Honours imaginable, and at h's iiivitation the
Governour was prefent at the Funeral. Her Pi-
fture he caufed to be ma it in folid Gold two
Cubits high, and plac'd ii upon an Altar in the
fame Chamber where this Tragedy was a&ed •,
thither he himfelf, or fome of his chief Mini-
fters go twice every Week, and burn all manner
of Provifions before ner Image. Thus you fee
the force of good Education, that even weak
Women will dye the worft fort of Death, rather
than iuliy their Honour, or tranfgrefs the Rules
of Virtue.
Our Parents think it very improper to beat
their Children, tho' it may feem neceffary to der
ter them from the Vices to which they are addift-
ed (much lefs, do they ufe fuch imprecations up-
pn them, as fome Enropeans do upon their Chil-
dren) but they inftruft them the more carefully
in their Duty, admonifh them of their Faults,
and by the moft winning Perfuafives exhort 'em
the Ijle Formofa. i ^p
to amend ^ for they hope that as their Reafon
encreafes with their Years, they will of them-
felves abandon their Vices. And indeed this gen-
tle method of Admonition and Exhortation does
commonly prove fo efFeftual, that young Men of
fix or nine Years of Age will behave themfelves
with as much civility and modefty in their Dif-
courfes and Geftures as an old Man can do, which
deferves no fmall admiration.
They have very (harp natural Wits, readily
learn the Languages and liberal Arts : And if
any one think that I hoaft too much of my
Countrymen, they may read the Account that is
given of them in the Relations of feveral Au-
thors.
When they are arrived at the eighth or ninth
Year of their Age, then their Parents fend them
to the Schools, and after that ((hould they be
negligent in their Studies) they never force them
by threats to do any thing to mind their Books,
but encourage them by good words and fair pro-
mifes, and by propofing to them Examples, ei-
ther real or feign'd, who by improvement in their
Studies have arrived at great Honours and Dig-
nities ^ and by thefe and fuch-like means they
prevail more over the Youth, than they could by
Blows and Menaces ^ for to fpeak the Truth, the
Natives of Japan and Formofa^ are naturally fo
flubborn and furly, that they cannot endure
blows ^ and hence it often happens, that Ser-
vants, when they are undefervedly and unmer-
cifully beaten, will in revenge kill their Ma-
ilers.
The Infants of Noblemen are carefully brought
up by their Mothers and Nurfes, who conftantly
attend ihem to fee that they want for nothing,
and cover them with Silk or Cotton to keep them
warm I
i^o A Defcription of
warm •, but never wrap them in fwadling Cloaths
as the Europeans do ; But our Country People
are carelefs in cloathing their Children, and
keeping them warm while they are Infants^ and
when they come to be two Years old, they fuf-
fer them to run naked over the Mountains and
Woods.
Our childbed Women never give fuck, but dry
up their Milk as faft as they can. This cuftom
is founded upon thefe Reafons, F/>^, That the
Women may the fooner he with Child again.
zdly^ That the Children may be free from all the
Infirmities of their Mothers. 3^/^, To prevent
the Mothers being too fond of their Children, ^<r.
Therefore tame Deer, Goats and Sheep are our
only wet Nurfes , which the Children fuck till
they are about three or four Years old, then they
learn to Smoak, though fome fmoak before they
leave the Te^t,
CHAP. XXXVI.
Of the Liberal and Mechanical Arts in
Japan and Formofa.
THE Japannefe far excel the Yormojans in li-
beral and mechanical Arts, and yet I now
find they are mucji inferior to the Europeans 5
they are indeed the moft ingenious Artilts and
Philofophers of all the Eajiern People, tho" the Je-
iuits give the preference to the Chinefe^ and this
has fo puft them up with Vain-Glory, that you
fli^ll comiPQuly h^ar a Cb'mef^ bpaft, '' That hq
!' ftei
the I fie Formofa, 141
" fees with two Eyes, the Europeans but with
'' one, and the reft of the World with none
" at all.
The Japanneje Nobility, and the Bonz'ii are
great Ornaments and Encouragers of Learning ;
the Bonzii for themoft part are hard Students all
their Lives. They value themfelves for obfcure
Sayings, Riddles, and Paradoxes ^ metaphorical
and equivocal Expreflions being the chief Flowers
of their Rhetorick. They have many religious
Sefts amonglt them, but the Emperor will not
allow one Party to difpute with another-, there-
fore they write many Books to juftifie the rea-
fonablenefs of their own Opinions, without rai-
fing any Objeftions againft the Principles of o^
thersj and thus they diflent without quarrelling,
and fill many Libraries without one polemical
Difcourfe or Book of Controverfies*
They apply themfelves heartily to the ftudy of
Philofophy, but I am very little acquainted with
their Notions, and therefore muft not pretend to
publiih them % but by what I have read and
heard, their Philofophy feems a confus'd Colle-
ftion of the Opinions of the Ancients, which the
Priefts have trump'd up to favour their Whims
and Superftitions : As for inftance, They believe
God to be of fo fublime a nature, that he cares
not for earthly things, and therefore they admit
Heroes to be Mediators becween God and Man 5
and this Notion perhaps they had from the Epi-
cureans. From the Fythagoreans no doubt they
had the Doftrine of Tranfmigration of Souls ;
and fo of others.
Akho' the Bonz'ii by their Office are fet apart
to miniiter in holy Things, yet Religion and Phi-
lofophy is not their only Itudy, for many of
them fpend a gieac deal of time in Medicine,
Law,
142 A Defcription of
Law, and the Mathematicks ; and for this pur-
pofe there are noble Academies not unlike the
Unlverfities in Europe,
It requires fonae Years to perfeft themfelves in
the two old ways of Writing I have before men-
tioned : They teach one another the Greek
Tongue, in which they commonly difcourfe with-
out being underftood by the Laity : Hence in the
writings of their modern Philofophers and Demi-
Gods, you (hall here and there fee a few lines
of Greek j but this Language the Bonzii keep a-
mong themfelves, whereas in Formofa our Priefts
will teach it to any Body for Money.
But fome perhaps will ask me, Who brought
Greek fir ft into Japan or formofa ? I muft honeft-
ly anfwer, that we have many things amongft us
that I know not how, when, or from whence
they came ^ and yet this confeflion of my igno-
rance is no argument againft the matter of faO: :
For I doubt not but I might ask a thoufand Eng-
liflimen from whence they had their Language,
before I fhould meet with ten that were able to
fatisfie me *, fo there is no queltion but fome of
the learned of ray Countrymen can tell you when
Greek and other things were introduced into our
Ifland oi formofa.
Our Schools or Colleges are very nobly found-
ed, and have been greatly enriched by bountiful
Benefa£tors : The King, 'Vice- Roy, Noblemen,
and Gentlemen, fend all their Sons thither ♦, and
the Priefts who are the Tutors, are loaded with
vaft Rewards and Prefents, according to the pro-
ficiency of their Pupils.
Here (by way of digreffion ) I (hall tell you
how we determine Con trover lies, and how Cri-
minals that deferve Death are convifted, and fen-
tenced : We have -no written or Statute Laws
but
the Ijle Formofa. 143
but what are in the Jarhahadiond^ or what I
have faid the Emperor Mer'iandanoo made to di-
itOi and bind our Princes in the adminiftration
of Juftice.
Yirft^ If two Men contend about any civil
Right, they ought to prefent themfelves before
the Governour of their Town or Village, and
there each to plead his own Caufe, the Gover-
nour writes down the Arguments on both fides,
which he fends to the King or Prince, and he
having confidered the pretenfions of both, gives
the Caufe to the Perfon he thinks wrong'd.^
from his Decree there is no appeal, fo that as
foon as the Governour receives the King's an-
fwer, he puts an eternal end to this Contro-
verfie.
2dly^ As to capital Offenders , they alfo are
brought before the neareft Governour, the accu-
fers bring their Evidences, and the Prifoners make
their detence •, the Governour notes down every
thing that pafles at this tryal, and at the bottom
of the Paper humbly puts his Opinion, that the
Perfons are either Guilty or Innocent ; however
thefe Proceedings are likewife fenr to .he King
or Prince of that Ifland or Province where the
fa&s were committed ^ if he condemns the Crimi-
nals, then he tixeth a red Seal' (which is a drawn
Sword ) to the fide of the Paper •, but if he
thinks them not guilty, then be fealswirh white
or black Wax \ this Seal is a Scepccr or SrafF of
Authority. The King remits the proceedings to
the Governour, who executes or releafes his Pri-
foners according to the Seal affix'd h^ the King.
But to Droceed ;
The Jopanne/e are great Students in the Ma-
ihema ticks, Dut we in Formofa know very little
of it ; Our Pritfts have pofitively forbidden us to
Itudy
1 44 -^ Defcriptioh df
ftudy Aftrology and Aftronomy, the reafon I fup-
pofe is, becaufe we now believe that the Sun,
Moon and Stars are intelligible Beings, but if we
well underltood thofe Sciences we fhould foon'
difcover the contrary.
We have no diftinftion of Phyfician, Chirur-
geon and Apothecary, but the Phyficians heal
Wounds, and difpenfe their own Medicines ^ they
are very ignorant and uhskilful, and yet they are
much honoured by all. Their Excellency confitts
in the knowledge of Plants and Minerals ^ the
dlfleQion of Humane Bodies is altogether un-
known, neither do they think Anatomy a necef-
fary qualification for a Phyfician. Their way of
Blood-letting is different from what I have feen
in Europe •, formerly they us'd to ftand at a little
diftance from their Patients, and fhoot fmall darts
indifferently into any part of the naked Bodies ^^
but the Japannefe have taught them a better way,
for now they have incifion Knives with which
they fcarifie the parts grieved ^ when they think
they have taken away Blood enough,^ they ap-
ply a ftiptick Powder and a green Leaf of Tobacco
to the Wounds.
Our Priefts are excellent Poets, they will com-
pofe long Prayers and Sermons in Verfe 5 fomeof
them are fo addi£led to it, that their common
Difcourfe is all chime and Jingle. Our Poetry
confifts of a certain number of Syllables having
the fame elevation and cadency in two or three
Lines, and every verfe terminates in the fame
note. Our Prielts (and indeed all of us ) affeft
likewife brevity in their Speech and Writings, and
contrive in how few words it's pofiible to exprefi
any matter^ they frequently write to our Princes,
and their Letters are furprizingly fine and fhort.
They ftudy all manner of ways to move the Paf-
fions
the Ijle Formofa. 145
fions of the People, and to perfuade them to ob-
fefve and praftice what they teach.
Hitherto I have chiefly treated of the Liberal
Arts, and I Ihall now fay Ibmething of the Me-
chanical.
And firft of our ready Writers, who ferve in-
ftead of Printers^ for Printing is not known in
IPormofa^ but to fupply it, we have Men who
take Thirty, Forty, or more poor Children,
purpofely to copy all Books that are brought^
fo when any Man intends to publifli a Book, he
carries the Original to one of thefe ready Wri-
ters, who copyeth it very fairly, and gives to
every Child a page, and they put apiece of tran-
fparent Paper over what their Matter has writ-
ten, and fpeedily and exactly copy it, tho' at the
lame time they perhaps underftand not a word
that they imitate ^ and thus the Matter having a
great number of Boys and Girls, quickly furniTh-
eth us with many true Copies of the Book ^ and
this ferveth inftead of Printing. The Ch'inefe I
know have fomewhat a better way than this, tho'
not fo good as the Europeans^ for they carve the
whole Book in Wood if it be written in large
Charafters •, but if the Letters are fmall, 'tis in-
grav'd in Copper •, fo when thefe wooden or
copper Copies are finifhed, they print as many
as they pleafe. The Ja^annefe ufe this way al-
fo *, but a little before 1 left formofa^ 1 was told
that our Emperor had defir'd the hutch to teach
us their way of Printing, but all Letters and
Chara£lers are forbidden except our own.
Our Painters ( tho' not to be compared to the
Europeans) are etteem'd much beeter than thofe
in China, We have alfo abundance of Carvers in
Wood, who work admirably tine ^ but the Ja-
fannefe exceed u^ a little in Scone- works. Our
L Potters
1 /^6 A Vefcription of
Potters are very numerous, and curious in making
what you call here China-ware^ but we Forcho-
llano^ and 'tis well known we far excel not only
tlie Chinefe^ but all the Ealtern People in this
Art.
We have not a publick Baker or Brewer in out
whole Ifland, for in every Houfe there is Bread
afnd Drink made fufficient for that Family. Shoe-
makers and Taylors are not different Tradefmen
with us, for he that makes one Garment, cloaths
tjs from top to toe. We know not your Tallow-
Chandlers Trade, but inftead of Candles we have
Lamps, and Torches made of the Fine-tree •, the
Country People indeed make a blaze with any
combuftible matter.
Glafs is not only admired in Yormofa^ but all
over the Eaji ^ when it was firft brought amongft
Bs, we were fo charmed with its tranfparent clear-
nefs, that the Merchants fold what I find to be
worth but two Pence in Europe^ for half, and
fometimes a whole Cofan of Gold ; But they,
finding the profitable returns for it, poured in
fuch vaft quantities, that it is now very com-
mon ^ yet Itill I compute this Commodity to be
worth twenty times more there than it is here ^
molt of the Windows of our Noblemens Houfes
are of fine Glafs , but the ordinary People can't
afford to buy it, and therefore they ufe Silk, or
Paper dipp'd in Oyl, to make it the more dura-*
ble and clear.
The Art of Vemidiing, or what here you call
Japanning, is very little praStifed by us^ neither
do we much efteem ir, tho' our Women handle
their Pencils tolerably well, but not fo neatly as
they do their Needles, with which they make cu-^
rious Works valued all over the V/orld.
We
the Ifle Formofa. 147
We melt, temper and refine our Mettals, tho'
1 confefs not to fuch finenefs and perfe£tion as the
Japanneje and Europeans do.
Our Farmers are well-skilFd in manuring and
tilling the Ground, or fowing Seed, or planting,
according to the nature of the Soil.
Befides the Arts and Trades already mention-
ed, I could reckon up many others, as, all forts
of Smiths, Mafons, Carpenters, {ffc, but to do
it would render me tedious and impertinent •, I
fhall therefore conclude this Chapter with this
oblervation. That as we highly efteem all that
are learned in the liberal Arts ^ fo we little value
Tradefmen, and thofe who get their Bread by
the fweat of their Brows.
CHAP. XXXVII.
T/?^ manner of our Vice-Roys rendering
an account of his Government to the
Emperor of Japan.
ALL Kings, Vice-Roys and Princes, fubjeS:
to the Emperor of Japan^ ought twice
every Year to attend him , and to give him an
account of every thing remarkable that has hap-
pened the laft half Year, and to receive his far-
ther Commands and Inltruftions : But becaufe
formofa is a conquer 'd Ifle, he very politickly^
ordereth the Vice Roy to artend him every fix
Months, and the King to itay at home, being
afraid if the King (hould go, the Vice-Roy might
fiir up a Rebellion in his abfence •, the Carillan
L 2 therefore
1^8 A Description of
therefore makes the Expedition to Japan afong
tvith the Vice-Roy •, the former lays before the
Emperor the prefent ftate of the Government as
he received it from the King, but the Vice-Roy
delivers his own Obfervations on the Ifland and
People. The Vice-Roy commands Ships, Bal-*
Cons, Floating- Villages, Litters or Palanquins, and
all things neceffary to be got ready againft the
day of their departure ^ the Carillan lodgeth in
the Vice Roy's Palace the Night before they be-
gin their Voyage, and early in the Morning the
King comes thither alfo With a fplendid Retinue,
where (in the prefence of the Vice-Roy) he gives
the Carillan plenary InftruQions \ this done, the
King is obliged to accompany them to Khadzey^
the Sea-port Town where they embark, there he
wifheth them all happinefs, they then purfue
their Voyage, and the King returns to his own
Palace. The Vice-Roy and Carillan are carried
in the fame Balcon, which has 36 Noblemeus
Balcons to attend it ^ then follow fourfcore float-
ing Villages, in which are the Guards and Ser-
vants, the Litters and Elephants ^ and laftly, the
Storeihips with all manner of neceffaries. When
they come near the Ifland, they are difpos'd in
the following order •, firft, forty floating Villages,
then the Vice-Roy and Carillan in the middle of
the Balcons, next the other forty floating Villa-
ges, the Store-fhips bring up the Rear ^ thus they
arrive at Xima a Sea-port in Japan^ where the
Vice-Roy, ^c. refrefh themfelves ^ the Gover-
nour oi Xiffia pays them all manner of Honours,
entertains them with a noble Supper, and a Co-
medy after it •, but tlie Servants and Slaves fpend
moft of this time in getting things ready for
the next Day's Cavalcade. Morning being come,
they fet out for Tcdo ( where ' the Emperor re-
fd^s)
the Ijle Formofa. 145?
fides,) firft eighteen Noblemen and their Ladies
in their Litters ♦, then the Vice-Roy in his Litter,
in which alfo is the Carillan^ ten Ladies of the
Vice Roy's Family, and but one Nobleman ; after
this follow the eighteen other Noblemens Lit-
ters, the whole encompafs'd with Horfe and
Foot-Guards properly difpos'd. The Vice- Roy's
Litter is three ells long, and two and a half
high, moft richly adonfd with Needle-work, 8^0
within, and covered with pure Gold. The Lit-
ters of the Nobility are but an ell and a half
long, and no more in heighth, thefe alfo are beau-
tified with Pi£lures, Gold, Silver, Copper, Brafs,
Silk, ^c, every Litter is carried between two
Elephants. ( I fhould have told you, the Empe-
ror does the Vice-Roy the Honour to fend twen-
ty of his Courtiers to receive him when he lands
at J^ima^ and as many to accompany hin) in his
return thither) In the order aforefaid they arrive
at the Imperial Palace in Teio^ the next day they
are introduced into the Emperor's prefence, who
receives them very gracioufly, and during their
ftay (which ufually is a Month) he admits them
audience for one hour every day in the publick
Aflembly of Kings, Vice Roys and Princes, which
at'this timelikewife come from all parts to ren-
der an account of their refpeSlve Governments •,
when they are out of his Imperial Maj^fty's pre-
fence, they are diverted by the Courtiers with all
manner of Sports and Recreations- At their au-
dience of leave the Emperor beltows fome valua-
ble Gifts, and bids them Farew^l. Being thus
difmifled, they return to Xima^ where the Ja-
fannefe Courtiers fee them honourably received
by the Governour, and then they return, to T(5'i^i
jphe riext Morning the Vice-Roy thanks the Go-
ygrnour, and fets out in the former manner for
L 3 l^o}-?nofa\
i^o A Defer if Hon of
Yormoja ^ the King is obliged to meet him at
Khadzey^ and from thence to accompany him tQ
his Palace, where the Vice-Roy (in the prefence
oixhtCarillan ) tells him what had pafs'd, and
delivers the Orders he had received from the Em-
peror ^ then the King and Carillan retire to their
own Palaces. I muft not conclude this Chapter
without telling you, That tho' the Emperor al-
lows only the title of Vice-Roy to him who was
formerly our King, yet he (hews him more ho-
nour than to any King in Jajpan.
CHAP. XXXVIII.
Of the Succefs of the Jefuitf in pro-
pagating the Chrijiian Faith in Ja-
pan^ from 1549, to 161 5, More
efpecially of the Reafons of the ter*
rible Slaughter that was made of
them about the Tear 1616. And
of the Law prohibiting Chrijiians
under pain of Death to come inta
Japan.
Since my defign is only to give an Account of
the Ifle of f ^/v;?^/, and only to touch upon
the Affairs of Japan fo far as they have relation
to it j I (hall not pretend to give a particular
Hiftory of the various fuccefs the Jefuits met
with in propagating the Chriltian Religion thro"*
the
the Ifle Formofa. 151
the feveral Kingdoms of Japa?2^ of which I have
receiv'd no certain information : But in general I
am very well affur'd, by the conftant unconrroul'd
Tradition of my Countrymen, that notwith-
Handing all the difficulties they met with, they
made a wonderful progrefs in the Converfion of
that Empire between the Year 1549. (in which
Xaverius fays, he firft arrived at Cangox'ma)
and the Year 161 6, or thereabouts ^ for 'tis com-
monly believed in Ycrmofa^ that in this fpace of
time more than a third part o^ Jfapan yN2LS con-
verted to the Chriftian Religion •, and even Tarn-
poufamma himfelf, who was then Epaperor of
Japan.
Tho' many other Caufes might concur to pro-
mote the fpreading of the Chriftian Religion in
Japan by the Jefuirs, of which I can give no par-
ticular account, yet I am very certainly informed,
that one thing which contributed very much to
the propagation of it, was their propoflng the
Chriftian Religion, after fuch a manner as was
moft agreeable to natural Reafon, and the Do-
£lrines and Praftices commonly received among
the Japannefe.
Thus the Jefuits taught them in their firft Le-
£lures, That there was but one God, the Creator
and Governour of all things in Heaven and Earth,
3nd den:ionltrated hIsEternity and other Attributes
by natural Reafon ^ but faid nothing of a Trinity
of Perfons in the Unity of the Godhead, left it
(hould fhock their belief of the one true God,
And as to Chritt, they affirmed that he w^as ^
Pivine Vertue refiding in a Humane Body, or a
mighty Hero fenc from God to reveal his Mind
and Will to Mankind ^ and they enlarged upon
|:he Holinefs of his Life, the Reafonablenefs and
Excellency of his Doftrine, the mgny Miracles
L 4 }]§
1^2 ^ Defcription of
he wrought for confirmation of it, and the bitter
and painful Death he endured on the Crofs for
the expiation of the Sins of Mankind : All which
were agreeable enough to the Opinions the Ja-
^annefe had conceiv'd of their pretended Heroes,
VIZ, That they had done many wonderful Feats,
and endur'd great and lafting Pains to deliver
their followers from future Torments. But all this
vvhile the Jefuits faid nothing of his being God
and Man in one Perfon, but conceal'd that My-
ftery, as being too difficult for the apprehenfion
of the Jiipanncfe^ until a more convenient op-
portunity.
They taught the Japannefe to worfhip the on-
. ly true God, and his Son Jcfus Chrift, who was
rais'd from the Dead by the Almighty Power of
God, and afcended into Heaven, and was^exalt-
ed in the humane Nature to all Power in Heaven
and Earth, to alTift and relieve his faithful Ser-
vants ^ which was agreeable enough to the No-
tions they had of their deified Men, fuch z.'^Xaca
and Amida^ to whom they pray'd for relief in
all their Straits and Neceffities. And as to the
Worfliip of Images and Saints departed, there
V^as fuch a perfeQ Harmony between the Jefuits
and the Japannefe^ that they defir'd them only
to change their Idols for the Images of Jefus
Chrift, the Virgin Mary^ and ether Saints of the
only true God, and to continue the fameyi^ay of
worfhipping and trailing to the Saints^ as Inter-
ceffors with God for them, but not to offer Sa-
crifices to them.
They adminiftred Baptifm in the name of the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghoft, as the rite
of admitting Men into the Chriftian Church, and
never declared the Holy Ghoft to be a Divine
Perfon
the IJJe Formofao 155
Peifon in the ever-blefled Trinity, but reprefent*
ed him as the Power of God.
They adminiftred the J^ord's Supper in com-
memoration of the Death of Chrift, but never of-
fered to explain the Myltery of Tr.anfubftantiation,
or the Sacrifice of the Mais.
And by this way of reprefenting the Chriftian
Religion, and concealing thofe Myfteries of it,
and the peculiar abfurdities of the Popifh Do-
£lrines, it appeared to contain nothing but what
was agreeable to natural Reafon, and the Notions
and Praftices commonly received among the fa-
pannefe^ and fo it eafily gain'd credit, and fpread
mightily among the ingenious Japannefe •, elpe-
cially being recommended by fome peculiar ad-
vantages it has above all other Religions, as par-
ticularly by the full aflbrance it gives of a future
ftate of eternal Life and Happinefs.
But as this Artifice gain'd the Jefuits many
Followers, while they conceaPd the aforefaid
Doftrines, which they did for many Years, until
they found their Party very ftrong and power-
ful : So when they declared them to the People,
and impos'd them as neceflary Articles of Faith,
the Chriftian Converts murmur'd againft them
for changing the Religion they had formerly
taught •, and the ?agans^ efpecially the Bonzies^
exclaim'd againft them as Impoftors, for deceiv-
ing the People with new Devices, which occafi-
on'd many to fall from them, and rais'd in all
a ftrong fufpicion of their Infincerity : So that
this Declaration of thefe new Doftrines prov'd
very much to their difadvantage, and may be
reckon'd one Caufe of their utter Ruin and Ex-
tirpation.
A fecond
1^4 -^ Defer iption of
A fecond Caufe was the great Envy and Indig-
nation which all the FagaTis^ but chiefly the Bon-
zies^ conceived againit the Jefuits, becaufe they
infinuated themfelves fo far into the favour of
Kings and Princes, and all the rich Men who
were Converts to their Religion, that they fet-
tled great Revenues upon the Chriftian Mona-
Iteries, which us'd formerly to be given to the
Bonzies'^ nay, the Fathers difinherited their Sons
to enrich their Monalteries, which fo exafperated
the Minds of the Fcigans againft them, that
they endeavoured by all means to extirpate
them,
A third Caufe was, the difcovery of a Confpi-
racy, carried on by the Jefuits, to betray the Em-
pire of Japan into the Hands of the King of Spain ^
for which end they had fent him Letters, which
were found out, giving him an account of the
lituation of their Harbours, feveral Cities, Caftles
4nd Forts, and the manner how they might be
befieg'd and taken. The Jefuits confefs, that the
great Dominions which the King of Spain pof-
fefs'd in the Eajl and Weft -Indies^ gave the 7^-
pannefe a great umbrage ^ and this ,they fay
mov'd them to fet on foot a defign of abolifhr
ing their Religion, and driving them out of their
Country : But they deny that they ever wrote
fuch Letters to that King, giving him an account
of the ftrength of the Japan Empire, and the
ways of attacking it^ and pretend that thefe
Letters were forg'd by the Hollanders^ on pur-
pofe to render the Fortuguefe odious, and get
their Trade in Japan out of their Hands. But
this Forgery was never proved upon the T)utch 5
and therefore 'tis commonly believ'd in Formo-
//, that the Jefuits were the Authors and Con-
Uivers of the aforefaid Letters, which muft
certainly
the Ifle Formofa. 155
certainly have rendered them very odious to all
the Fagans,
But all thefe three Caufes were only prepara-
tory to that which follows, which was the laft
and immediate Caufe of the great flaughter of
the Chriftians in Japan. For the better under-
ftanding of which we muft confider, that in the
great progrefs which the Chriftian Religion had
made in Japan, by the preaching of the Jefuits
and other Miffionaries of the Romijh Church,
there were not only feveral Kings, and Princes,
and many great Lords, but alfo an Emperor who
had embraced Chriftianity , whofe name was
Tampoufamtna •, and he gave them not only a
Toleration, but all manner of Encouragement to
profefs and propagate their Religion in all parts
of his Empire. " The Jefuits being puffed up
with this fuccefs, and fupported by fo great an
Authority, ventured boldly to expofe their pe-
culiar Dog7nata oi Tranjubfiantiation ^ and xht Sa-
crifice of the Mafs^ &:c. which they required all
the Chriftians to believe under pain of Damna-
tion ^ and to ufe all the pious Frauds they could
invent, for getting the Riches of Japan into their
own Coffers. And having hy this means given
great offence to the Chriltians, and incurred the
great hatred of the Vagans^ and railed a vehement
fufpicion in all forts of People of their being
Impoftors •, they began to be afraid, left the Va-
gans (hould confpire together to work their
Ruine, and therefore were refolv'd to be be-
fore hand with them, and to take the fhorteft
way for converting the whole Empire to their
Religion.
To thiS'purpofe they forg'd a Lye, which they
went and told the Emperor, That x\iQ?agans
yvere contriving to raife a Rebellion againft him,
and
1^6 A Defcription of
and to cut the Throats of all the Chriftians^
That they had already had feveral Confultations
about carrying on this wicked Confpiracy, which
they would certainly put in execution, unlefs they
were timely prevented. The Emperor, who
look'd upon them as very wife Men, and put an
entire confidence in them, asked them. What
they would have him to do ? To which they rea-
dily anfwered, that to fecure himfelf and thQ
Chriflians from this Confpiracy, he could do no-
thing better , than to fend his Letters to all the
Chriitian Churches, requiring the Cbriftians eyci-
ry. where throughout the Empire, to rife up in
Arms at a certain Hour of fuch a Night, and kill
all the "Pagans : For by this means, continu'd
they, the wicked Defign againft yoqr Majefty
and the Chri&ians will be prevented, and the
Chriftian Faith alone will flourifh through all
your Empire, and there will be none left alive
10 trouble you, or difturb the Peace of your Go-
vernment. Befides, the better to excite the Em-
peror to this Undertaking, they aflur'd him that
he wasoblig'd to do it, not only in point of Po-
licy, but of Religion, becaufe this would be fuch
3 commf:ndable and meritorious Work, to extir-
pate Heathenifm and fettle Chriltianity in all his
Dominions, that he might certainly expe£t the
BlelTing of God, and of Chrift, upon himfelf,
and all his Chriftian Subjefts, for finifhing fuch
;i glorious Deiign. But, added they, if you de-
lay m-uch longer to put it in Execution, you
will certainly find by woful Experience, thap
your Majefty and all the Chriftians will be mur-
ther'd in one Night ^ the confequence of which
mall be the utte? extirpation pt Chriftianity in
Jjpan.
Thefe things they reprefented with fo much
the Ifte Formofa. tt^j
feettiing Zeal and affeStionate Concern for the
Chriftian Religion, that the Emperor was pre-
Vail'd upon, as is commonly reported, to grant
them his Letters to be fent to all the Chriftians,
requiring them to deftroy all the 'Pagans in his
Dominions ^ tho others fay that the Jefuits pre-
fum'd fo far upon the Emperor's good Affe£lion to
their Caufe, that they wrote thefe Letters in the
Emperor's Name without his Knowledge, and dif
patch'd them to all the Chriftian Churches. How-
ever, this is certain, that all the Churches receiv'd
Orders written in the Emperor's Name, to rife up
in Arms at fuch an Hour of an appointed Nighr,
and deftroy all the Pagans, And tho' this Defign
was manag'd with all the Artifice of the Jefuits,
to conceal it until the time of Execution, yet
they could not carry it on fo fecretly but the Pa-
gans came by fome means or other to hear of it,
time enough to prevent the fatal Blow : For ei-
ther the Chriftians, who had Fathers or Mothers,
or other near Relations that were Pagans^ out of
natural aflPeO:ion to them, difcovered the Plot,
that they might have an opportunity to favc
their Lives ^ or others being touch'd with Hor-
rour at fo bloody a Conlpiracy againft their
Countrymen and Friends, found their good Na-
ture too hard for their Religion ^ and therefore
gave timely notice to the Pagan Kings and Prin-
ces to fortify themfelves againft the intended
MaflTacre: Which they did fo effeSlually, that
having got all things ready, they rofe up in
Arms with their Pagan SubjeQs on the very Day
before that in which the Chriftians were to put
their Defign in Execution, and fell upon them,
and deftroy'd them wherefoever they could be
found. The Emperor being a Chriftian, and ha-
ving too much countenanced the Jefuits in their
intended
1 <; 8 A Defcription of
intended MaDTacre, was forc'd by the Paga/is to
leave his own Donninions, and went into the
City ofGoa, where he died, and his Body is
ftill preferved in the Church of the Jefuits, where
a ftately Monument is ere£led to his Memory,
with an Infcription to this purpofe, Here lies
Tampoufamma Emperor of Japan , who was ba-
Tijjloed out of hps Domimons^ and dyed a Martyr
for the Chriftian Religion, At the fame time
there were five Kings and two Vice-Roys appre-
hended, who had promoted the Chriftian Reli-
gion in their feveral Kingdoms ^ and they were
thrown into Prifon, and there remained until they
died.
The flaughter was fo general, that not only
the Jefuits and other Miffionaries of the Romijh
Church, but all the Japannefe that had been con-
verted by them, were put to Death whenfoe-
ver they were feiz'd : Some were hang'd, fome
thrown into the Rivers, or Ditches, others were
beheaded, and great numbers fuffered, the molt
cruel Deaths the Pagans could invent. But tho'
the flaughter was very general, yet it cannot be
imagin'd, that all the Chriftians were apprehend-
ed at the fame time, but many of them lay con-
ceal'd, and skulk'd up and down in Corners for
feveral Years before they were difcover'd ^ and •
after the firft heats of the Perfecution were over^
many of thofe Jefuits and Monks who were
feiz'd, were for fome time refpired, and being
caft into Prifon, continu'd there until a new Em-
peror was created, and then were put to cruel
Deaths, with moft exquifite Torments.
After this time the name of a Chriftian grevir
fo odious through all the Empire of Japan^ that
no Chriftian was fuffered to live in it, but the
Pagans flew them all whenfoever they difcover'd
them.
the Ifle Formofa- i ^p
them. And this wicked and bloody Confpiracy>
which was fo contrary to the mild and charita-
ble Spirit of Chriftianity, was fuch a fcandal to
the ?agans^ and reproach to the Chriftians, that
henceforward they were all efteem'd Villains,
Rebels, Impoftors, and the worft of Men 5 and
therefore when any of them were found out, all
the People cry'd out. Away with them^ Qructjie
them : And Searchers were appointed to enquire
diligently in all places, if any of them could be
difcovered ^ as has been already obferv'd in the
Chapter of Laws,
This Relation of the Confpiracy of thejefuits
and other Popifti Priefts, againft the fagans^ and
the great flaughrer of the Chriftians, which fol-
lowed upon the Difcovery of it, is as firmly be-
lieved in formofa^ by Tradition from Father to
Son, as the Gunpowder-Plot is believed here in
England^ to have been contrived by the Jefuits
and other Papifts : But I muft confefs, that I
cannot pofitively determine the time when it hap-
pened ^ only I think it mod probable, that it was
about the Year 1 6 16.
CHAP. XXXIX.
Of the coming of the Dutch mto Japan^
with their Succefs^ and the Tricky
they playd.
THE Dutch hearing of the great flaughter of
the Papifts in Japan^ and that they were
for ever banilh'd from that Empire, laid hold of
this
l6o A Defer ipt ion of
this Opportunity to fettle a great Trade with rhe
jfapannefe ^ and for that end having laded feve-
ral Ships with great Itores of fuch Conrimodities
as they thought moll vendible in that Country j
they fail'd to Japnn^ where being arriv'd, they
were prefently call'd to an account, what they
were ? and from whence they came ? They an-
fwer'd, they were Hollanders : Then the Inqui-
fitors ask'd, whether they vjqxq Francos^ i.e. Eu-
ropeans t and they confets'd themfelves to be Eu-
ropeans, Then^ reply'd the Inquifitors, you are
Carokor-banajos ( which is the name we give to
Chriltians, and fignifies Crcjs-men.) The J^utch
pretended not to underftand the meaning of the
word Croffman^ but ask'd whether it was the name
of a Country or Religion ? how, fay the Inqui-
litorSj it is impoiTible you fhould be Europeans^
and not know what the Croffmen are ? did you
never hear of the Vortugueze^ who worfhip a
Crofs and other Images of their Saints, and make
their own God, and eat him when they have
done? Yes, yes, reply'd the IdutJh^ we now un-
derftand what you mean by Croffmen, but we
have none amongft our Countrymen. Then it
feems, fay the Inquifitors, you are not of that
Religion. No, God forbid, the Dutch anfwerM,
we are fo far from it, that we are hated and con-
tinually perfecuted by thofe you call Croffmen -,
for their Religion obligeth them to convert the
whole World, or to deftroy all thofe who will
not fubmit to the Pope, who is the Head of that
Religion. The Inquifitors being not yet fully fa-
tisfied, ask'd many more queftions -, the Dutch at
laft told them, that to prove themfelves no Croff-
men, and not of the Religion ot the Portugueze^
might they have the honour to fpeak to the Em-
peror, they would teach him an infallible way
how
the IJle Formofa. t6t
how he fhould difcover all Croffmen that ever
fhould enter into his Dominions. This fo pleas'd
the Inquifitors, that they quickly difpatch'd a
Meflenger to Court, to inform the Emperor of
all thac pafs'd between them and the Dutch ^
which being related to the Emperor, he com-
manded that they (hoold have leave to land, and
to bring them before him. When they wete
Gome into the Emperor's prefence, they prefent*
ed him with two great Guns, and a ftriking Clock
with an Alarm, and a mufical Bell •, both which
wonderfully pleafed the Emperor, but chiefly he
admired the two Guns when he fa'w them charg'd
and difcharg'd. Then they addrefs'd the Empe-
ror in words to this effeft : " The Croffmen
*' have fo ungratefully abufed yout Itnperial
" Goodnefs, that you very prudently deny them
" any entrance into your Dominions •, but as for
" us we are perfecuted by them, being Men of
" quite different Principles ', neither do we corns
" here with a delign to propagate our Religion •
" but our defire to trade with your Majefty's
" SubjeQs was the only reafon that brought us
*' hither t, we bring you Commodities from far,
*' and exchange them for the produQ of your
" own Country •, we venture our Lives and Goods
** by a long and dangerous Voyage, your Majelly
" and your Subjefts hazard nothing. As for
" thefe Croflmen, if your Majefty will condef-
*' cend to our humble advice , we will teach
" you how you (hall certainly difcover all that
" come hither, and 'tis thus, Let your Imperial
^ Majefty comm.and aCrofs (fuch as thefe Croff-
" men Worlhip) to be made in all your Sea port
*^ Towns, and order your Governours -of them
'' to oblige all Strangers to fhooc at this Crofs,
*' Ipit at itj Ipurn it, trample upon it, or to
M " (hew
}62 A Defcription of
" (hew their contempt of it by any other aO:
" your Majefty (hall think fit : This Telt will
*■' infallibly difcover whether the Strangers be
^^ Croflhien or not, for none but Croflmen will
" refufe to (hew their indignation and fcorn.
The Emperor was well pleas'd with what they
faid, followed their advice, and permitted them
to trade with his SubjeQs.
Not long afterwards, fome Jefuits and other
Prielts of the Roman Church ventured to Japa;?^
they told the Inqui(itor that they were Hollan-
ders •, the Inquifitor reply'd, if fo, you are wel-
come ^ then he call'd for a Crucifix, and defir'd
the Strangers to (hew their contempt of it by
fome of the a£ls above-mention'd , which they
refus'd to do, and at laft confefs'd themfelves to
be Croflmen ^ how can you be Croflmen if you
are Hollanders^ faid the Inquifitor, for the Hol-
landers are not Croflmen > Indeed, reply 'd the
Jefuits, they are Chriftians or Croflmen as well
as we. Now, fays the Inquifitor, I find you
have told me two Lies ^ you faid at firft, you
were Hollanders^ and now you fay the Hollan-
ders are Chriltians as well as you, by which you
confefs your felves not to be Hollanders, idly^
You fay the Hollanders are Croflmen as well as
you, which I know to be an impudent Lye, for
I have feen them trample upon the Crofs with
plealure, and I am fure they would burn ic with
as much fatisfaQion as 1 my felf could do. The
Inquifitor then fent them to Prifon, they were
in number about forty fix, and in a few Days
they were all executed ^ the Jefuits to this Day
annually commemorate their Martyrdom.
By thefe and the like means, the Dutch were
mightily in favour with the Emperor and all his
Subjects, they had all the Privileges that Fo-
reigners
the Ifle Formofz. i6^
feigners could expe£l : After they had traded
with the Japannefe tor fome Years, they begg'd
leave of the Emperor to build a great Storehoufe,
in which they might lay up their Merchandize j
pretending it was a great lofs to them to carry
their Goods up and down the Country before
they could fell them ^ and that it would be
more convenient, not only for themfelves, but
alfo for the Japannefe to have a certain place ap-
pointed whither all Perfons might refort, either
to buy their Commodities, or take them in ex-
change for the produ8: of the Country. The
Emperor granted them leave to build fuch a
Houle for their Goods : But they initead of a
Warehoufe built a very ftrong Caftle, with very
good Fortifications •, yet none of the Natives
ever fufpefted them of any ill defign (but
thought that the Houfe was built after the Dutch
way) until fome time after it was finifhed. Their
defign was difcover'd when a new Fleet of Ships
arriv'd from Holland in Japan ^ for thefe Ships
were laden with Guns, Muskets, Fiftols, and all
forts of Warlike Inftrumenrs, and great Stores
of Gunpowder and Bullets •, as plainly appear'd
by this accident : The Dutch having conceaFd
their Arms and Ammunition in wooden Frames, ,
that they might not be feen by the Japannefe^
convey'd them out of their Ships, and laid them
upon Carts to be carried to their Caftle : But it
happened unluckily for them, that fonae of the
Carts were broken by the way, and the wooden
Frames burft in pieces by the fall, which difco-
ver'd their hidden Treafure of Arms and Ammu-
nition, and alarm'd the Japanneje who faw them,
with the apprehenlion of fome wicked defign,
which was to be executed by fuch great quanti-
ties of warlike Preparations : Whereupon fome
M 2 • of
1 ^4 ^ Defrription of
ot tljcm ran prefently and acquainted the Enl-
peror with what they had feen , and the danger
that threatened his Country by the tricks oi thefe
deceitful Hollanders ^ and he fent away in all
hafte ten ot twelve Companies of Soldiers, who
kiird as lilany as they could find of them ^ but
the greateft part of thetn had efcapM from the
Caftle, and were got into their Ships which had
put to Sea before the Soldiers arriv'd ^ which
happened by the overfight of the Natives, who
might eafily have encompas'd the Caftle at fome
diftance, fo that none could enter iri or go out
of it, whereby all that were in It would have
been forced either to furrender themfelves or die
for Hunger. After this their Caftle and all the
Guns they could find were feized by the Japan-
tiefe for the ufe of the Emperor •, and the T>utch
were for fome time prohibited any Commerce
ivlth Japan : But upon their humble Petition
and fair Promifes, the Emperor gave them leave
to come into Yormofa^ which was thenalfo under
his Dominion, and thither they reforted for fome
time : But the Hollanders not finding in Yormofa
all the Commodities they wanted, did again beg
leave of the Emperor to trade into Jj/^j//^ which
the Emperor would not allow, until at laft the
King oiNangafak interpos'd on their behalf, and
pray'd that he might be permitted to receive
them into his Ifle, which is not far diftant from
the reft oi Japan. And this the Emperor grant-
ed upon the following condirlons ;
Virft, That they Ihould trample upon the Cru-
cifix.
2dly, That the Inquifitors fliould take out of
their Ships all their Guns and Ammunition, all
Sails, MaitSj Ropes, and oiher Furniture, to be
kept
the Ifle Formofa. i ^5
kept in a Scorehoufe as long as the Dutch Ilay'd
in the Country.
3^/^, That he ftiould appoint Soldiers to go
along with them through the Country, and ob-
ferve them.
/!^th/}\ That they fhould not flay any longer
than the Emperor pleas'd ^ but as foon as he
ftiould fend his Orders for their going away, they
fiiould make all things ready for failing, and de-
part prefently.
Thefe Conditions have been hitherto very ex-
aflly obferv'd ^ whenever therefore they have
fold off, or barter'd all their Commodities, and
are ready to put to Sea again, then all their war-
like Inftruments and Ship-tackle, that were ta^
ken away at their firft coming, are reftor'd to
them, and they have free liberty to murij into
their own Country,
CHAP. XU
Of the new De^vices of the J ef nits for
getting into Japan,
THus the Hollanders^ by denying Chriftianity,
fecur'd their freedom of Trade m Japan ^
but the Papifts were for ever (hut out of tha?
Country by this Teft of Chriftianity, until the
Jefuits by thpir fubtilty invented a new way for
procuring their admifiion into it, which was this ;
They learn in the firft place the Japan Language
in the City of Ooa^ where it is taught in the
Academy 5 and when they can fpeak it very well,
M ) th^y
1 66 A Defcription of
they put on the Japan Habit, and thus accoutred
they go to fome rorc in Japan^ and being exa-
mined by the Searchers what Country they belong
to, and from whence they come > They readily
anfwer, That they are Japannefe^ and come from
fuch an Ifland, and fuch a City mjapan^ nam-
ing them ( for they take care to learn the Names
and Cuftoms of places ) which is eafily believ'd
by the Searchers, becaufe of their Language and
Habit.
And having thus fecurely pafs'd theTeft, when
they come alliore they difguife themfelves under
various fhapes ^ for fome fet up for Merchants
and Toyfellers, others for Tutors or Mechanicks,
and they live in private Houfes, and follow their
feveral Emyloyments with as much care and in-^
duftry as if they depended upon them for a live-
lihood, tho' 'tis certain they are otherwife provi-
ded with fufficient means to maintain them, by
thofe who fend them thither. For the Pope fends
every Year a certain number imojapan^ and takes
care tofurnifli them with all things necelTary, and
they are allow'd two Years for learning the Japan
Language, four Years for their flay mjapan^ and
about three Years for their Journey backward and
forward. They have a certain Japan word, which
they pronounce after a manner peculiar to them-
felves, whereby they know one another, as I un-
derftand fince by my Tutor Father de Rodes^ who
being ask'd by a Gentleman at Avignon^ how the
Miflionaries knew one another in Japan ? He an-
fwerM, by the word il^^, which in Japan figni-
fies quickly, by which the new-comers, as they
walk through the Cities and Villages, know their
Brethren that have been there before themj and
lafter they know one another, they meet together
in
the Ifle Formofa. 1 6j
in private places to difcourfe about their own
AiFairs.
Thus there is a continual Succeffion of a new
Miflionary after four Years are expir'd, to fup-
ply the phce of him who then returns home,
as I am very well affur'd by my own experience,
tho' 'tis not eafie to guefs for what end they are
fent, or what good they do when they come
there. For it is in vain for them to pretend that
they convert many of the Natives, during their
four Years ftay, to the Chriftian Religion (as I
know that fome of them boaft after their return)
fince it is impoflible they fhould efcape the dili-
gence of fo many Searchers, as are every-where
appointed to deteO: them, if they (hould pub-
lickly own themfelves to be Chriftians, and en-
deavour to convert the Pagans ; And indeed, if
it were true what they relate, that one had con-
verted twenty, another thirty, and a third fifty,
during their ftay in j^apa/i^ ever fince the time of
their Banifliment, there would be very few Pa-
gans left in that Country, according to their ac-
count of Converfions. Tis true, that fome Years
ago there were Jefuitsor Popifh Priefls who mad$
fome Converts to Chriftianity », but in aiittle
time they were difcover'd by the Searchers, and
both they and their Converts were burn'd alive,
exept a few who renounced Chriftianity, and em-
braced their ancient Idolatry, for fear of the tor-
ments of fuch a cruel Death : But at Rome they
talk nothing of any fuch difafters, but every one
boafts of the numerous Converts he has made in
the Empire of Japan ^ and pleafes himfelf with
the relation of his Travels, and the many won-
derful things he has feen, being greatly puffed up
with an Opinion of the everlafting Glory and
Fame he has merited by fuch a difficult and co^
M 4 W9
1 58 A Defcription of
ble Undertaking. Upon the whole matter it
feems to me moft probable, that the great De-
fign of the Miffionaries, who have been fent to
Japan^ fince the time of their Banifhment from
it, is to fpy out the Country, and to infornfi
themfelves exa£lly of the Situation of their Har-
bours, the number of their Forts and Caftles, and
in fhort all the Strength of the Empire, and to
take aim by what methods they may be attacked
with fuccefs, hoping that at length fome magna-
nimous Chriftian Prince will undertake a glorious
Expedition, with fufficient Forces to conquer that
Empire by their direftion, and to plant the Chri-
ftian Religion among the Natives, infpite of all
the prejudices wherewith they are poffefs'd at
prefent againft it : For indeed I cannot perceive
what other Benefit and Advantage they can pro-
pofe to themfelves by all the Trouble and Expen-
ces they are at, in fending fo many Miflionaries
into Japan,
Within a few Years after the Perfecution of
the Chriftians in Japan^ the Emperor having ob-
tain'd thelfle of Formofa, as has been above rela-
ted, began to perfecute alfo the Chriftians there 5
but tho' he treated t^ie Jefuits and Popifli Priefts
with the fame feverity he had us'd in Japan ^
burning fome alive, crucifying others, or hang-
ing them up by the Legs till they were dead ^
yet to the Natives who were Chriftians he fhew'd
more mercy, leaving it to their own free choice,
either to renounce Chriftianity, or to depart for
ever out of their own Country -^ whereupon ma-
ny of them chofe rather to fly into other Coun^
tries than deny Chrift 5 bnt others being unwil-
ling to leave their Eftates and their Country, re-
nounced Chriftianity, and were reconcil'd to
their former Superftition^ And fince that time
the
the Ifle Formofa. 169
the fame Law is in force againft the Chrifti-
ans in formofa , as was made againft them in
Japan,
The CONCLV SION.
FRom what has been faid of the Caufes of the
great Perfecution of the Chriftians in Japan^
we may clearly underftand how great a prejudice
the Jefuits have done to Chriftianity, and what
a Reproach and Difgrace they have brought up-
on the Chriftian Name, by impofing their Popilh
Errors upon the People as neceffary Articles of
Faith, and bydefigningthat barbarous and bloody
Maffaae upon all the poor Pagans : Whereas,
if they had propos'd the Chriftian Religion in its
purity and fimplicity, and behav'd themfelves to-
wards their Profelytes with that Meeknefs, Cha-
rity and Sincerity , which became their Apoftoli-
cal Office (and I found in my good Guide) I
dare affirm, that in all probability the whole Em-
pire of Japan had now been Chriftian ; But by
their mifreprefentations and wicked pra£tices,the
Japannefe have fuch a falfe notion of Chriftia*
tiity, and fuch ftrong prejudices againft it, that
it would be much more difficult now to convert
them 5 nay, the door is fhut againft any Chri-
ftians who might have fuch a charitable Defign,
or would attempt to remove their prejudices, and
poflefs their Minds with a juft Idea of Chriftia-
nity. How deteftable then was the Wickedneft
cf the Jefuits, which occalion'd all this Mifchief I
And how deplorable is the Cafe of thefe poox
Vagans^ who are pow io fetter'd in Chains of
Datknefs,
1 JO A Defcnption of
Darknefs, and bound up to their Idolatrous Pra^
aices, that they can never hope to fee the glorious
Light of the Golpel, or feel the Power of it in
their Hearts and Lives, as might have been rea-
sonably expefted from them > For if they do fo
exa£tly obferve the Precepts of their own Reli-
gion, altho' it be uncertain and contrary to tlie
Divine Nature, altho' it enjoyn them fuch a hor-
rible and cruel praftice as to facrifice their own
Sons 5 with what Cheerfulnefs, Humility, and
Veneration, would they have perform'd the rea-
fonable Service and Obedience of Chriftianity ,
had they been enlighten'd with that heavenly
Doftrine in its Purity, and tafted the power of
it, in purging their Hearts, and reforming their
Lives?
Some perhaps may think that I have done too
much Honour to the Pagan Religion as it is pro*
fefs'd in Formofa^ by giving fuch a long and par-
ticular Explication of it, as if I were ftill per-
fuaded of the truth of it, which God forbid :
And therefore I muft defire fuch Perfons to con-?
fider, that I was oblig'd to give an account of all
things relating to that Religion, as they are to
be found in Jarhabadiond^ which is our Scrip*
ture, tho' I am very far from believing them to
be true ^ nay, I am fully perfuaded that they are
falfe, by the following Reafons which I (hall
briefly mention.
'Tis a certain and infallible Argument of the
Falfhood of any Religion, that it commandeth
fuch things as are contrary to the Divine Nature,
and to thofe Notions which every one hath of
God's infinite Goodnefs : Such is thQ Command
in our Jarhabadiond^ which requires us to lacri-
fice fo many thoufand innocent Babes every Year j
Vvhich is a thing fqcrud, and fo contrary to th^
tendernefs
the IJle FormoQi. 171
tendernefs of Humane Nature, that we cannot
believe it to be the Command of a good and gra-
cious God, but of fome evil Spirit who delights
in Humane Blood, and in the Mifery and De-
ftru£lion of Mankind. Such alfo is the worfhip
of the Devil, Sun, Moon and Stars. And when
once I was convinc'd of the falfliood of our Re-
ligion, which obligeth us to fuch unreafonable
worfliip, I prefently concluded, that all the Mi-
racles pretended to be wrought in confirmation of
it, were meer Tricks and Forgeries ^ becaule I
am certain that God would not exert his Omni-
potent Power to confirm a Lye, and maintain an
Impofture. Befides that, any one may quickly
be fatisfied how little Reafon there is to believe,
that the pretended Miracles were really wrought,
fince they are only mention'd in our Jarhabadi-
ond^ which the Priefts keep in their own hands,
and will not fufFer any of the common People to
have a Copy of it ^ which gives a Ihrewd fut
picion, that there is fome Trick and Impofture,
fince they do fo ftudioufly avoid any means of
difcovering the truth •, which fufpicion is very
much increas'd by the tyranny which the Priefts
exercife over the common People, in exacting an
implicit Faith to their Didates, without giving
them any rational grounds for believing, and o-
bliglng them under pain of Death never toaccule
the Priefts of any Falfliood, • tho' they be very
certain that he is guilty of it. The Priefts in-
deed pretend, that their God does fometimes ap-
pear to the People in the form of a Lyon, ^c,
when he is angry with them ^ and at other times
in the form of a Camel, ^c, when he is pacified:
But every one may plainly perceive, that this
fretended Miracle is nothing but a trick of the
'riefts, who have the opportunity of (hewing
fucl^
172 A Defer iption of^ &c.
fuch or fuch a Beaft to the People, without be-
ing difcovefd, fince the whole management of
the matter is left to themfelves, having the Beafts
ready to fet up at their pleafure with all fecrecy.
If any one fhould ask me, How can the Priefts
put fuch tricks upon the common People, and
carry on fuch Impoftures ? I anfwer, There are
many Inftances of the fame nature in other Na-
tions, who having no Revelation, believe and do
fuch things as are more abfurd than what is here
pretended: Such were thQ Egyptians who were
famous for all parts of Learnings, and yet were
perfuaded to worfhip Crocodiles. Nay, even in
the Roman Church we fee many grofs abfurdities
are impofed upon the common People to be be-
liev'd contrary to fenfe and reafon •, and why then
not on the Yormofam ? But how this Impofture is
manag'd, is not my bpfinefs at prefent to ea-
quijre -, 'tis fufficient for me that I am fully per-
fuaded by undeniable Arguments of the falQiood
of the Religion of Formofa.
Now to the Omnipotent and Merciful God
( who hath by the Grace of his Holy Spirit call'i
me ftomPaganifm, Error and Superfiition, to the
true knowledge of his Will, and of his Son Jefus
Chrift, my Mediator and Redeemer) be afcrib'4
eternal Praife, Honour and Glory, by all his Crea-
tures for ever and ev^. 4^en>
The End of tU Firfi Book.
An
73
An Account of the Authors TraT/els
through fe'veral farts of Europe j
together with hk Conferences with
the Jefuits^ &c. and the Reafons of
his Con'verfiony &c.
BOOK 11.
WHEN Xaverius^ the Great Apoftle
( as the Jefuits call him) of the £'^7?-
Indies^ arriv'd with his Companions
at " Cangoxima in the Year 1549, they were cour-
teoufly entertain'd by the Inhabitants ( as he
himfelf tells us in feme of his Epiftles ) this kind
reception of thefe Miffionaries i^o encourag'd the
Romifh Priefts and Jefuits, that they quickly
flock'd thither in great numbers, and foon gain'd
the good Opinion of the Emperor, his Kings and
Vice- Roys ^ then they boldly profefs'd, and for
many Years after fuccesfully propagated the
Chriftian Religion : But about the Year 1616.
the Emperor order'd his Officers to put to Death
all Chriftians that (hould enter his Doaiinions ;
and the better to difcover them, he commanded
all
• Capiox'ma is the chief Sea-pore Town of the Ifle o^
f 74 The Authors Tra^veh.
all Strangers to (hew their contempt of the Crofs
by firing a Piftolat it, or trampling upon it, 6^r.
as hath at large been (hewn two lalt Chapters of
the firft Book. This has caus'd the Miffionaries,
who are intended for Japan ^ firft to learn the
language and Cuftoms of that Country before
they dare venture to it ^ for this end they
have ( as hath been before noted ) an Acade-
my in Goa^ where all the Languages and Man-
ners of the Eaftern People are taught -, thus
when the Miflionaries have perfeftly learn'd the
Language and Cuftoms of the Japannefe^ they
put on the Habits of Natives, and travel into
fome Ifland fubjeO: to that Emperor, where they
pretend to be born in fome other parts of the
fame Empire s ^^ People of the Ifland eafily be-
lieve them, becaufe they fee them cloath'd, and
hear them fpeak like their fellow SubjeSs ; I
muft confefs, tho' they underftand, yet they do
not exa£Hy pronounce the Language, but this
gives us no umbrage, for we know that in fo
large an Empire many Provinces have different
Dialefts. Having thus fecur'd their admiflion in-
to a City or Town, they profefs fome Trade or
Employment to prevent any future fufpicion j
fome profefs themfelves to be Merchants, Artifi-
cers, Toyfellers ^ others, School-Mafters or Tu-
tors, and thefe teach the Natives Languages and
Sciences. By thefe means they 'live fecurely to
the end of their MifTion, which is ufually about
four Years, then they are call'd home by their Su-
perior, who fends others to fupply their places.
Among the reft of thefe MifTionaries, Father
ie Rode^ a Jefuit born at Avignon,^ having quali-
fied himfelf ar Goa^ came to our Ifland of For-
mofa^ he told us his name was Ammo-Samma, i.e.
the Son of Ammo^ that he was of an honourable
Family
T'he Authors Travels. 1 7 i^
Family in ^anto^ a Province in Japan^ but that
his Father's Eitate being divided amongft four
Wives and thirteen Sons (befides Daughters)
and that he being the youngeft, his Portion was
fo fmall, that he was forced at twenty Years of
age to travel abroad, and feek a livelihood by
teaching the Latin Tongue, Geography, Philofo-
phy, (!fc, and that having been a Tutor in feve-
ral places oi Japan, he at laft came to Formofa^
in hopes that IbmePerfon of Quality would take
him into his Houfe to inftrufl his Children. This
ftory came to my Father's Ears, who fent for de
Rode^ and found him to be a well accomplifh'd
Man, but yet my Father did not care to take him,
becaufe he thought Latin would be of very little
ufe to me •, the Jefuit finding where my Father
ftuck, and being unwilling to lofe fo fair a fet
tlement, infinuated to him, that Latin was the
moft modifh Language among the noble Japan-
neje^ that it Itrengthen'd a Man's Faculties, and
that he that was Mafter of it, could eafily learn
all other Languages and Sciences : This prevail'd
fo upon my Father, that he refolv'd I mould be
de Rode's Pupil, and accordingly he commanded
me to lay afide my ^ Greek Book that then I
was reading, becaufe (Son, fays he) you may
at any time learn Greek in our own Schools, but
Jf you flip this opportunity oflFer'd by Af^mo-
Samma^ you may never meet with another : I
readily (as in duty bound) fubmitted to my Fa-
ther's Cpmmands, and I could eafily difcern Am-
moSamma to be well pleas'd at my ready Obe-
dience ^ in fhort, my Father agreed to give him
Cloaths, Dyet, and fevenreen ' Copans per An-
nunf
^ ViL The Chapter of the Liberal and Mechanical Arts
* Y'ld, The Chapter of Money.
ty6 The Author s Travels*
num to inftruCt me in Geography, Philofophy, and
above all in the Latin Tongue, but charg'd him
not to fpeak a word to me of Artronomy, becaufe
( as 1 have told you) it is forbidden. From that
day we liv'd together in my Father's Houfe in
Xternetfa^ the Capital City of Formofa^ till his
Miflion ( as I found afterwards ) was expired ;
During which time he carefully taught me La-
tin, ^c, but never mention'd any thing of Chri-
ftianity •, wherefoever I went, he accompanied
me, unlefs when I entered our Temples, then he
left me at the Gates, telling me, that being a
Jafannefe he was of a different Religion from
that eftablifli'd in formofa^ therefore (fays he)
I will go home and worfliip God after my own
way , and meet you here where I leave you ,
which he conftantly did ^ and indeed in all his
Anions and Difcourfe he behaved himfelf fo mo-
deftly and difcreetly , fo honeftly , and with fo
much candour, that I really lov'd him almoft as
much as I did my Father, and earneftly wifh'd
he would live and dye with us ^ and thus we
liv'd with, I believe, mutual AiFe&ion ^ but at
laft his four Years were expir'd, and it feems he
muft be gone, he defir'd me to acquaint my Fa-
ther with his Intentions, and to give him what
was his due, and difmifs him ^ I was exceeding-
ly concerned at his faying fo, and endeavoured all
manner of ways to divert him from his purpofej
but he faid he was refolv'd to fee other parts of
the World ^ he acknowledged himfelf very much
oblig'd both to my Father and me, and that he
had rather fix with us than any where elfe, yet
fays he I always had a defire to travel, and fince
I have no Family, I intend to gratifie my Incli-
nations. I told him that I wondefd now he
was growing old he flxould be fo ready to ha-
zard
'The Authors Tra^vels. ijy
Zard himfelf in foreign Countries^ befides, I faid,
it will coft you a round fum of Money to obtain
the Emperor's licence to Travel. To this he an-
Iwer'd, that as old as he was, he was willing to
facrifice two thirds of what he was worth rather
than ftay at home, where, fays he, I can gain
but little more experience ; why (hould I be don-
find to one place > I have heard wonderful things
of other Countries, and I intend to fatisfie my
Curiofity ^ but above all , he extol'd Chriften-
dom, telling very delightful Stories of the Coun-
tries and Inhabitants, many of which Ihavefince
found to be falfe : I was furprizM, and reply'd,
fure you are mad to talk of going among the
CrofFmen, who will as furely put you to death,
as we deftroy them when they come hither : But
he faid, I was very much miftaken to think the
Chriftians were fuch cruel People ^ for on the
contrary, fays he, I am told they are always kind
and generous to Strangers, and I believe if you
or I were among them, we fhould find them fo :
I anfwer'd, I need not go from home to know
what bloody minded Men they were, for fad
experience had taught us how barbaroufly they
would have ufed all the Japannefe that were noc
of their Religion. ^^ You are right, fays Ammo*
Samma^ " if you can believe thofe Wretches to
" be true Chriftians, who Call'd themfelves fo in
" Japan^ there is no doubt but they were Cheats,
^' for I have heard feveral of my Countrymen
^^ who have travelled into Chriftian places, migh-
^' tily extol their noble reception ^ they tell me
" the Country is the molt charming in the
" World, that it abounds with all things we
" moft value here, and that befides there were
'' multitudes of pretious Rarities altogether un-
'^ known in JFapan or I'ormofa ^ they tell me far-
N " " Cher,
1 78 The Author s Travels 4
" ther, that the Chriftians not only entertain'd
" them civilly, but (hew'd them all the Curio"
" fities of Art and Nature ^ and when my Coun-
" try men declared their Intentions of returning
" home, the Chriftians fo loaded them with
" rich Gifts and Prefents, that they came back
*' with much more Wealth than they carried out
" with them : The truth of what thefe Men
" tell me I do not doubt, neither do I queftion
" being as well received as they, as foon as pof-
"^ fible therefore I will get a Licenfe \ firft I will
^^ go to 0)ina^ from thence to the Eajilndies^
*^ and after a little ftay there I intend ioi Afri-
" ca^ and fo mo Europe^ which is the Croff-
" mens Country, there I (hall fee Spain^ France^
** Germany^ Holland^ &:c. the worft of which
" places is far more entertaining than Formofa 5
" fo in about four Years I (hall vifit all the ce-
^ lebrated places of the known World ^ then FU
" come back freighted with Riches and Experi-
" ence ^ then I (hall have nothing elfe to do but
" to fpend the remaining part of my Life in
'* Mirth with facetious Company ^ then all in-
" genious Men will gladly hear me tell what
" obfervations I have made of the Laws and Cu-
" (toms of thefe. People, of their manner of ma-
^' king War, of their Improvements of Arts and
*' Sciences, and, in (hort, of every thing that I
" thought worth taking notice of: Be you judge
*' hov^ thefe ufeful and pleafant Relations will
" delight all thac (hall hear me, by thefe I (hall
^' certainly attain to elteem and honour.
All this, and more he told me with fuch en-
ticing circumftances, that I could not but think
he would be glad if 1 would go with him, and
indeed I being then a brisk young Man, aboui
nineteen Years of Age, was ealily prevailed upon
by
The Author s Tra^vels^ 179
^^y fuch charming Allurements, my Fancy was
io rais'd, and my Curioficy lb excited to fee the
Countries he fo well commended, that I told
him if he was fure there was no danger, I would
very willingly be his Companion. But he ( to
conceal his defign upon me ) feem'd very averfe
to my offer, and faid with a feeming Paffion,
" The Gods forbid ! I have too much refpeft
*' both for your Father and you, ever to entice a
" Man in your circumftances from home^ be-
" fides, fliould your Father bur think I had any
" fuch defign, what could I expeft but fudden
" death > Pray therefore talk no more of it ;
" Tho' I confefs it well becomes a Man of your
'' Quality to fee the Cuftoms of other Nations,
'' but your Father is fo wrapt up in you, that he
" will never expofe you to fo long a Voyage,
*' and without his confent you (hall not go along
" with me. This counterfeit refufal rather irri-
tated and enflamed than extinguifli'd my defires,
and therefore I was the more importunate •, and
that I might remove his fears and make him ea-
fie, I folemnly promised that I would never fpeak
one word of our defign , however, he yet feem'd
unwilling to confent, and this provok'd me the
more alio, fo that with greater earneftnefs and
vehemency I repeated my afleverations of fecrecy
and fidelity ^ at laft my reiterated aflTurancesand
fupplications prevail'd, and he faid, '' I always
" had a great Opinion of your Sincerity, and
" that you have an affeftionate refpeft for me,
*' I now give you the greateft proof that I en-
" rirely confide in you, for I put my Life into
*' your hands : Since then you fo heartily prels
" to be my Fellow-Traveller I do confent, and
" I will take you with m^, but then pray obferve
" my direftions, and manage the master wirh
N 2 " that
1 8o The Authors Travels.
" that cautioufnefs and ftcrecy that we may un-
'• fufpeQedly execute our defign. We being thus
far agreed, we afterwards us'd one another free-
ly, we often concerted how to make our efcape,
and to fecure a Fund for our future fubfiftence ^
one day I remember he faid to me, '^ Your Fa-
"' ther has abundance of coin'd and uncoin'd
"■' Gold, it will be neceflary for us to take a
" large quantity of it to defray the expence of
'' fo long a Voyage, and to anfwer other emer-
" gencies -^ but a thing of this nature muft not
'' be attempted till the very Night we make our
" efcape, then we may pack it up with our
" Baggage, and eafily with a Boat go down the
"River as far as Khadzey^ and there go on
" Shipboard.
The time of our departure being come, I car-
ried off with me twenty ^xq pounds weight of
Gold, viz. one '^ Rochmoo^ three Copans ^ and
fourteen pound of Plates, Pots, ^c, I took alfo
Silver and Steel Money to the value of about fix
hundred Crowns : With this ftock my Tutor and
I (having left all our Family afleepO fafely ar-*
riv'd about twelve of the Clock at Night at
Khadzey^ which is diftant from my Father's Houfe
about nine* Englifh Miles : But here we were
fomewhat at a Itand how to get out of thelfland,
for the Emperor orders all People to be ftop'd
That endeavour to leave the Country without Li-
cenfe 'under his Seal, however I put on a good
courage, and boldly call'd for one of my Father's
Balcons, and commanded the Steerfman to carry
us 10 the chief of the Ph'dipine Iflands call'd Ma-
mllo^ or Luconja^ the Pilot helicated a little zt
firft, bur when I told him that I had bufinels of
the
Vid, The Cihapter of Money.
The Authors Travels. 1 8 1
the greateft confequence to do there for my Fa-
ther, he was afraid to deny me ^ fo in ten days
he carried us to Mamllo^ which is about one hun-
dred Leagues from Yormofa : Here we continued
eight days, the Balcon attending us all the time-,
then we found a Ship bound tor Goa^ in which
we privately embark'd, and had a good paffage,
tho' Manillo is diftanr from Goa about one thou-
fand Leagues ^ before we enter'd the City, my
Tutor faid, " That he heard by ^om^ J up an nefe
" whO' had been there, that the Chriftians had an
" Hofpital or Houfe of Entertainment in which
" all Strangers were treated according to their
'' Quality without any expence, thither, f^yshe,
^' we will go, and fave our Money as long as
" we can, tor no doubt but there may be occa-
^' fion for it before we return to Yormofa, I did
not Itand in need of many Arguments to perfuade
me to this •, fo my Tutor led me direftly to the
Monaftery of the Jefuits (as 1 fince underftand)
where indeed we were moft courteoufly receiv'd,
and nobly entertained during the fpace of fix
Weeks ^ being then about to leave Goa^ I ask'd
my Tutor whether we (hould give any Money to
our kind Holts? He reply'd, he thought not,
however, fays he, you miy ask one of the old
Croffmen, and accordingly I did, but he fmi-
liugly aniwered, '"• We never take any Money
"' trom Strangers, I am only forry your recepr
" tion was fo mean, but I hope you will excufe
'' it, for we are lately fettled here, and wane
" many conveniencies, but when you are in Eu^
^' rope you will be more generoufly treated \ not
" that th$ Chriftians there have laager Soul?
" than we , but they abound with thofe good
" things which we want,, You may be fure I
wa3 well Dleafed with this Anfwer, for it con*
N g firm'd
182 The Authors Travels.
firm'd what my Tutor had told me before we
left formofa, viz. That the Croflmen were ho-
neft and hofpitable.
We left (joa^ and in nine Months we came be-
fore Glbralter^ the Captain of the Ship ask'd if
any one would go on fhore there for he was
bound to another Port ^ I finding my felf much
indifpos'd, was very willing to go to the
Town, fo my Tutor and I went into the Boat
and landed at Gibralter^ where I lay fick five
Weeks. -
As foon as I was recovered, we refolv'd for
Jhoulon^ a Sea- port Town mf ranee •, but before
we went on board, my Tutor faid, ^"^ I perceive
" the People know we are Japannefe^ and they
" cannot, Tarn afraid, forget how we perfecu-
" ted their fellow Chriftians in Japan^ therefore
'^ I think it more advifeable to cloath our felves
" in the Habit of any other Nation ^ not that
" we have any thing to fear, only perhaps in
" this drefs we (hall not be fo acceptable to
" them. I reply'd. You may do as you pleafe,
but my Formofan Habit is different from that of
a Japannefe^ befides mine is very gay and rich,
and I am not willing to change it. Well, fays
he, you may keep yours, but for my part I will
go to the Shops and look for another, and ac-
cordingly he bought a Jefuits Champaine Habit,
which ( I have fince cbferved ) is different from
what they were in their Colleges. This matter
being fettled , we embark'd for Thoulon^ where
we arriv'd in twelve days ^ and here I met Men
fo drefs'd that I had never feen the like ( it
feems they were Capuchin and Augufiin Monks)
I ask'd my Tutor what thefe Men were ? " You
" ask me, anfwered he, fuch queltions as if I
''^ was a Native of this place, or at leaft had
' '' been
The Authors Tra'vels. 183
" been here before ♦, but I cannot tell what they
" are *, I fancy indeed that they come from diP-
^^ ferent parts of the World for the fake of
" Trade to his great Sea-port Town , and that
^' every one wears the Habit of his own
" Country.
From Thou/on we travell'd towards Avignon ^
we went thro' Marfeil/es^ Aix in Frovence^ &c,
and I could not but wonder to fee at the end of
every Mile or lefs, a large Crofs fix'd if! the
Highway, which made me fay to my Tutor, fure-
ly here are multitudes of Robbers and Villains,
that it (hould be neceflary to have fo many Gib-
bets : No, no, reply'd he, I believe thefe are
only fet up for a terror to evil doers, for yogi
cannot perceive that they have ever been us'd.
At laft we came to Avignon^ my Tutor went
from the Gate of the City to the Monaftery of
the Jefuits as if he had been well acquainted
with the way ^ fome that flood at the door
knew him, and ran to meet him, and compli-
mented him Vvith itrange Ceremonies , and in a
Language to me unknown ^ they led us into the
Refe&ory or eating Room, where we had not
been five Minutes before the place was fiU'd with
Jefuits, who receiv'd us with abundance of odd
Ceremonies which I did not underftand ^ onp
took off his Cap to me, and I thinking he of-
fered to give it me, told him in Latin that he
might keep it, for 1 had one of m.y own, at this
they all b^gan to laugh. Father de Rode wa$
fo taken up with receiving Vifics, hearing and
anfwering queftions, that i could not fpeak to
him, fo I refolv'd to be filent till the Crowd was
gone, then I intended to ask him the reafon of
all this, for I began to think he was either a
CrolTmari an4 born in that Country, or at leaft
N 4 tba?
1 84 T^be Author's Travels,
that he had been there before •, and indeed what
elfe could I conclude when 1 found he knew and
was known to every Body, and when I heard
him readily difcourfe the Natives in their own
Language ? It would be incredible, (hould I tell
you what valt numbers came to wait upon him,
and what reverence and refpe£l they (hew'd him ^
I do not doubt, had they known of his coming,
but they would have ftrew'd the Streets with
Flowers, and cry'd Hofanna to Father de Rode.
At laft he came to me, and plainly told me,
" that he was a Chriftian, and born in that Coun-
try, and that moft of the Gentlemen I had
feen were his Relations ^ however (added he)
be not afraid, for whatfoever I have told you
of the Country and Inhabitants you fhall cer-
tainly find true •, I confefs I have brought you
from a far Country and your Father's Houfe,
but pray remember how willing you were to
travel with me ; And now I will make you a
fair offer, We will inftruft you in the Princi-
ples of Chriftianity, and we will prove to
you that it is the only true Religion^ if then
you will embrace it, we will fo provide for
you, that you fhall live as well here as ever
you could expeft to do at home •, but if after
all you are willing to return to Formc/a^ we
will aflift you, and furnifh you with all things
necefiary for fo long a Voyage. The latter
part of this propofal was only a copy of his
countenance, for it appears by the fequel, he ne-
ver intended to make it good.
The Reader may well chink I was much trou-
bled at this Difcourfe ^ and in truth when I re-
fieCted ferioufly upon my condition, and the dan-
ger I thought I was in, I was aftonifhed : How-
ever I concluded to give de Rode and the reft of
the
'the AtitJms Trpvels. 185
the Jefuits good words, fearing they might treat
me after the fame manner as we do Chriftians in
Formo/a-^ and therefore I told them^ " that I
" would never refitt clear evidence, nor a£l a-
^^ gainit convi£tion, and if they could bring
" Itronger proofs for their Religion than I could
" for mine, I would renounce Paganifm, and
'^ profefs Chriftianity ^ but if they could not, J
'' hop'd they would ftill deal kindly and hofpi-
" tably by me.
Father de Rode agreed to what I had faid, not
doubting but he could eafily convert me ^ and
that he might procure to himfelf the greater
Glory, he reported that I was a King's Son (how
true God knows) and that I accompanied him in-
to Europe purpofely to be infiructed in the Chri-
ftian Religon.
They left no (tone unturn'd to gain their ends,
for they attempted ro make a Convert of me by
fallacious Arguments, flattering Infinuations, and
fair Prom ifes, and by Threats and Violence. " By
" Arguments they could not convince me-, for I
^' was able to (hQw greater Abfurdiries in their
" Religion than they could prove in mine ^ and
" particularly in their Doftrine of Tranfubftan-
■' tiation, againft which I argu'd feveral ways ^
" as, firit, from the teftimony of our Senfes, i;/^,
" of feeing, feeling, rafting, all which do affure
'^ us, that it is Bread which wq receive in the
" Sacrament, and nor Fiefh : If therefore webe-
" lieve our Senfes, we cannot believe that the
" fubltance of the Bread is chang'd into the
" natural Flefh of Chrift, which they fay is
'^ corporally prefent in this Sacrament: And
" then I prov'd that we muft believe the teftimo-
" ny of our Senfes ^ becaufe upon them depends
l^ the certainty of the Relations we have con-
" cerning
i%6 The Authors Traz^els.
« cerning the Miracles wrought by Jefus Chrift,
" for the confirmation of his Doftrine : For if
" thofe who were Eye-witneffes could not be cer-
" tain by their Senfes that fuch Miracles were
" wrought, as are related in the Life of Chrift,
" then we have no certainty of the truth of thefe
'^ Relations, which depends upon the teftimony of
" thofe Eye-witneffes, who affirm that they faw
" fuchMiracles wrought by Chrift,and confequent-
" lyall the Evidence for the truth of Chriftianity,
«'• from the Miracles pretended to be wrought iij
«' confirmation of it, is fubverted and deftroy'd.
*' Thus the belief of Tranfubftantiation is incon-
" fiftent with the belief of thefe Miracles -, for
" if we believe them, we muft allow the tefti-
" mony of Senfe to be a fufficient proof of
" them ^ but if we believe Tranfubftantiation ,
" we muft renounce our Senfes, and deny them
'^ to be a certain proof of any thing we fee or
" feel.
" Secondly, 1 argu'd. That their Doftrine of
" Tranfubftantiation muft be falfe, becaufe the
" fame Body cannot, at the fame time, be in two
" diftant places-, but according to their Do£lrine,
" the fame Body of Chrift was corporally pre-
'■^ fent in a thoufand diftant places at the fame
^* time, vis:» in all thofe places where this Sa-
" crament is celebrated over the face of the whole
■ ° Earth, however diftant and remote from one
*^ another. Their diftinQion which they apply'd
" to this Argument, That the fame Body could
" not be in more places than one Circumfcrip*
^'^ the, but only Definitive, appeared to me fri-
" volous and impertinent^ for ft ill it appeared
'' to me impofTible, that the fame Body fhould
" be corporally prefent ( tho' it were only Defi-
" mive as they cair4 it^ in feveral diftant pla-
The Authors Trai/els. 187
" ces at the fame time •, for then the fame Body
" might be kilFd and dead in one place, while it
" was alive in another.
" Thirdly, I argu'd, That when Chrift faid at
" the Inftitution of this Sacrament, Do this in
*' remembrance of me^ he fuppofed that he would
" be abfent from them when they (hould cele-
" brate this Sacrament ^ for it is neither necef-
" fary nor ufual to remember a Friend prefent,
" but only one that is abfent •, and thereforej
" thefe words of Chrift, Do thk in remembrance
" of me^ do plainly imply, that he is not bodily
^' prefenc (in this Sacrament.) I argu'd that
" their Doftrine of Tranfubftantiation could not
" be true, becaufe it fuppofed that the accidents
" of Bread (as they call them) remain'd with-
'^ out the Subftance, and thefubftance of Chrift'3
" Flefli was corporally prefent without the acci-
" dents that are peculiar to Flefli, both which
" appeared to me impoflible : For I cannot con-
" ceive how the whitenefs of Bread can fubfift,
" when there is nothing that is white, and how
" there can be the fubftance of Flefii, which can
" neither be feen, felt nor rafted.
Thefe were fome of the Arguments I urg'd a-
gainft their Doftrine of Tranfubftantiation, to
which I could never receive a fatisfaftory anfwer,
and tho' they alledg'd feveral Arguments to turn
me from Heathenifm ; yet becaufe I thought
there were greater abfurdities in their Religion
than they could (hew in mine, I ftill adherM to
my own Religion. Here perhaps fome Papift or
other will ask me, whether they began to teach
me Tranfubftantiation as the firft ftep to my
Converfion ? I anfwer. No \ but it was the Do-
^rine that moft offended me ^ befides, I freely
Vvalk'd ^kiOMi Avignon four or five Months before
ovis
1 88 The Authors Travels.
our Difpute began, and I could not but take no-
tice how the People worfhipp'd the Holt, which
induc'd me one day to ask an old Woman what
it was that was carried about > She anfwer'd it
was bon D/>//, i. e, the good God ^ afterwards I
ask'd a Gentleman the fame queftion, and he told
me it was the Body of Chriji : Befides, I had been
at their Churches, and fcen them eat their bon
Dieu., as they call it ^ and this fo incenfed me,
that if they could have anfwered all the Argu-
ments before mentioned, yet I could never be re-
concil'd to a People that eat their God •, for in-
deed nothing provok'd me more than to fee Men
confecrate a Wafer, then call it their Chrift, their
Redeemer, their God, and after all devour it,
this is fuch an abfurdity, that I would not fwal-
iow for all the Gold in the Ead.
When they found that by Arguments they could
not prevail, they attempted to bribe myAffeftions,
and fo win me over to their Party, by many fair
Promifes and wheedling Infinuations ^ but I knew
fo well their Infincerity and cheating Tricks, by
their counterfeiting themfelves to be Heathens in
Formo/a^ and by breaking their promife of allow-
ing me liberty of Confcience, that I could put no
confidence in any promifes they made me. And
befides, I very well knew that I could have more
Riches and Honour if I (hould return into my
own native Country, than I could expe£l from
them. In fine, the earnefi: defire and probable
hope I had of returning to my Father, being
joyn'd with the fear of continuing in this remote
Country, far diftant from my Relations, among
Strangers and Hypocrites, made me flight all their
oiters: Which induc'd them at lall toufe Threats
and Violence ^ and thefe 1 endur'd with great
meeknefs, and endeavoured to mitigate their An.
The Authors Tra'vcls. 1 8p
ger with foft words, while in the mean time
( trufting to Providence ) I was contriving and
preparing, by the moft probable means to make
my efcape.
I muft acknowledge that during fix or feven
Months that I liv'd with them in the Monaftery
I was generoufly treated, but they four'd their
handfom entertainment by their folicitations to
convert me^ which that I might be freed from,
I defir'd to have the liberty to take a Lodging in
the City, and I confefs they readily granted my
requeft. As yet I had not parted with all my
Gold, but now I was willing to fell what re-
mained, that I might live at my proper charge,
thinking when I was no longer burthenfom to
them, that they would be no longer trublefom
to me : My Gold being coin'd in Formofa^ was
efteem'd beyond any of the Jefuits Rarities, and
therefore they were defirous to keep it, fo they
fent for a Goldfmith to view it, and he valu'd it
at 25;oPiftols, which fum they promifed to pay
me, and then took poffeflion of my Gold ^ fome-
times indeed they'd let me have ten or twenty
Piltols, but I proteft to this day 1 never had a-
bove two thirds of it.
I lodg'd feven or eight Months in the City,
during which time 1 was permitted to fee the
adjacent Country ^ they did not fear my running
away, becaufe I was fo much a ftranger to thefe
parts of the World, befides, they had my Money .^
without which ( for all their boafts ) I find there
is no travelling.
Once I was at the Fair of Beaucaire, where I
was in company with a Gentleman lately come
from Fj;7^, and he told me that there was a Gold-
fmith in that City who was a Native of Japan :
I haften'd back to Avi^/icn^ and defir'd of the Je-
fuits
1 po The Authors Tra^vels.
fuits that I might go to Faris and fee this Japa/i*
neje^ but they diffuaded me from ir,faying,that not
only the Roads, but all the publick Houfes of
that City were full of Thieves, who commonly
murthefd Travellers for their Money, fo that if I
was weary of my Life I might go thither. This
terrible defcription of the Journey and Place made
me lay afide the thoughts of fuch a Journey.
It being now the Anno SanUo^ or the Year of
Jubilee^ 1 was invited by the Jefuits to accom-
pany feventeen young Gentlemen to Rome^ who
undertook that Journey rather out of Curiofity
than Devotion, lo fee the pompous and magni-
ficent Ceremonies that were then to be obferv'd
in that City : And the Jefuits perfuaded me to
go, hoping that by the fight of thefe Ceremonies
I fhould be induc'd to embrace their Religion.
I was eafily prevailed upon to comply with their
defires, and fo we travell'd together to Rome^ ths
other Gentlemen in Pilgrim Habits, and I in Ja-
pan Cloaths ^ we arrived there a little before the
death of the Pope, who being then fick, would
not admit of any to come and fee him •, but we
faw all the valuable Curiofities that are kept in
that famous City : And the Jefuits at Avignon ha-
ving given me Letters of Recommendation, I
was nobly entertained there by the Jefuits of that
City : But when they exhorted me to embrace
the Chriftian Faith, I excused my felf for not
complying with their defire, and told them, that
I intended to return again to Avignon^ and to be
baptized there by the fame Father who had
brought me out of my own Country. After we
had ftaid above a Month in Rome^ we returned
again to Avignon^ where I was civilly received
by the Jefuits ^ who, as I have reafon to believe,
had charg'd the young Gentlemen, my fellow
Travellers,
The Authors Tra'z/els. ip i
Travellers, to take care of me, that I (houldnot
make an efcape ^ for they watch'd me as nar-
rowly during the whole Journey, as Serjeants ufe
to do a Prifoner. Prefently after my return, the
Jefuits ask'd me, how I lik'd all thofe Ceremo-
nies I had feen at Rome ? To whom I anfwer'd.
That I was very well pleas'd with them, and*
did greatly admire them : But then withal I ad-
ded, Since you condemn our Pagan Religion, be-
cauie our religious Worfhip coniifts only in ex-
ternals, how can you alledge your external Cere-
monies in confirmation of your Religon ? To
which they anfwer'd well enough, That they
did not condemn our Ceremonies merely as ex-
ternal, but becaufe they were deftitute of any
internal Virtue : Whereas the Chriftian Religion
confifts much more in its internal Power, than
any external fhew : And therefore, faid they, all
our Ceremonies are unprofitable, unlefs the Heart
be joyn'd with them ^ and we only make ufe of
them to excite Men to Devotion, and to infpire
them with greater Reverence and Fervour in the
Worfhip of God. With this anfwer I feem'd to
be fo far fatisfy'd, that I made no reply ^ tho'
I might have told them, that we us'd the exter-
nal Ceremonies of our Pagan Religion for the
fame ends and purpofes as they do theirs. But
indeed it was a great fcandal to me , to fee
the corrupt Lives of all forts of People at
Rome^ where they appeared fo publickly to be
guilty of Adultery and Sodomy, that all Travel-
lers might perceive them •, which made me fay
to my felf. Certainly if thefe Men did heartily
believe their Religion, they would better obferve
its Precepts, and live according to it ^ but by
their wicked praftices it appears, that they im-
pofe luch things upon the common People, which
they
1^2 The Authors Trazfels.
they themfelves do not believe to be true : Be-
fides, I had heard fo many Stories of the Miracles
wrought by the Relicks of St. Peier^ and othet
Saints, and chiefly of thofe which are pretended
to be done in the Chapel of Loretto ( which I be-
lieve to be falfe) that from thence I concluded
their Relations of the Miracles wrought by
Chrift to be nolefs falfe : So that my Journey to
Rome was fo far from inducing me to embrace
the Chriftian Religion, that it rather prejudic'd
me^ftrongly againlt it.
After my return from Rome^ I was by the Je-
fuits very courteoufly entertain'd for a few days ^
but moft of that time was fpent in anfwering
their queftions concerning my Journey, and the
Obfervations I had made : At laft I could not
forbear telling them, that I remember'd they for-
merly faid that many Miracles were done daily
at Rome^ 'Loretto^ Stc. but that in all my Travels
I had not fo much as the fatisfaftion of feeing
one. They reply'd, Had you Faith you would
have feen many. Pray, faid I, what is that you
call a Miracle ? I think a Miracle ought to be
the Objeft of our Senfes, and not of our Faith ?
the Jews had not faith in Chrift^ when ( as you
your felves confefs ) he wrought many Miracles
before them. Here they ftopp'd me, faying,
" You fhall no longer abufe our Patience, we
'' have waited a long time to receive you into
*' the bofom of the Church, and we have us'd
^' many Arguments to convince you of the truth
"•^ of our Religion, and yet you continue obfti-
" nate : We can no longer bear with your de-
" lays ^ hitherto the Fathers I/2qui/irorsh^VQ for-
"-' born ( at our requeft ) putting you into the
'^ Inquifition^ but fince you have rejefted all the
" means ofFer'd for your Converfion, you muft
" expect
The Authors Tra^eh. ip3
'^ expeQ that they will fpeedily proceed againft
" you.
And accordingly eight days after came Letters
from the Grand InquiJitof\ exprefly ordering mo
to be put in the Inquijltion, The Jefuits (hew'd
me the Letters ( whether they were forg'd or real
I can't tell) and faid, " If I did not embrace the
*' Chriftian Religion in ten days time, they were
*' obliged to fend me to Prifon ; However, upon
*' confulting with the Inquifitors, they agreed to
" allow me 1 5 days. The reafon for lengthen-
ing the time was, becaufe they had a mind I
Ihould publickly declare my Converfion, and be
baptized on the Feaft of the Affumption of tba
Blejjed. Virgin^ which is on the 15'** o^Augu/t, ^
I then knew enough of the Inquijitwn to maka
me greatly afraid of thefe Orders •, fo that I was
forced to give them very fofc words, and pati-
ently to hear their Sophiftry. My humble beha-
viour made them hope they might yet convert
me by dint of Argument, and therefore they re-
newed their religious Difcourfes ^ but how weak
they were let the Reader judge by thefe two fol-
lowing Examples.
They would prove the , Infallibility of their
Church, becaufe it is built upon the Infallibility
of the Holy Scriptures^ and then (by a Circle)
they prov'd the truth of thejHoly Scriptures by
the Infallibility of the Church.;
They pretended to dembnftrate Myfteries by
Similitudes ^ as the blefled Trinity by a piece of
Cloath in three folds, and yet it is but one and
the fame piece of Cloath.
I was not permitted to read the Bible ^ fome*
times indeed they would (hew me fome proofs
in it to back their Arguments ; But inftead of
O this
fp4 ^he Author s travels,
this I had abundance of Books put into my hands
full of Miracles pretended to be wrought by
their Saints •, amongft the reft I had the Legend
of ^t.AntonJus of Padua ^ wherein 'tis aflerted,
that at his command an Afs kneel'd and worfhipp'd
the confecrated Wafer, purpofely to convince a
Heretick of the truth of Tranfubftantiation.
They defir'd me to confider what excellent
fewards their Religion promis'd, and how well
they were fatisfied with the truth of it, fince
they renounced all their Relations, and the Goods
of this World, nay even themfelves, to walk ac-
cording to the Rules of the Gofpel, and gain a
Profelyte to it. To this I made bold to anfwer.
That the number was but few who left all and
followed Chrift, in comparifon to the vaft Mul-
titudes who, I obferv'd, liv'd in Voluptuoufnefs
and Senfuality : Befides, I argu'd, that we had
as many inft^nces of mortification amongft out
Bonzii ( both Secular and Regular ) as the Chri-
ftians can pretend to ( as hath been amply related
in the 8'' Chap, of the firft Book.)
In all our Conferences they argu'd in a method
that I was a ftranger to, for they us'd a multi-
tude of hard expreffions, barbarous words, and
diftinftions coin'd on purpofe ( I believe ) to
anfwer my Objeftions •, which made me take the
liberty one day to tell them, that I did not un-
dfrftand their Syllogifms and terms of Art •, to
which one of them angrily reply 'd, that I did^
but wou 'd not underftand. Then Father de Rode
turn'c to me, and faid, " My dear, fince you
" cannot comprehend what this Reverend Father
*^ has fpoken, I will explain it to you in your
*^ own Language : But inftead of that he went
on thus.^ " My dear Child ! you know what Or-
" ders the Grand Inquifitor has fent, which moft
^^ certainly
The Author s travels. i ^5
" certainly will be put in execution^ I am forry,
" becaufe I love you, that you (hould continue
" obitinare : Methinks, had you a grain of fenfe,
" you would take the fafe way, and contcfs your
*^ felf a Chriftian. What this Reverend Father
" has faid is indeed very well grounded, though
" you cannot lee the force of his Arguments :
" Prethee then be flexible, and let me perfuade
^'^ you to acknowledge your felf fatished with
" the reafon ofFer'd without railing any more
" Objeftions.
The fenfe I had of my danger, made me in
fome raeafure follow de Rode's advice, fo that I
laid to the Jefuits, Now 1 underjhnd what you
have hitherto ojfer'd for my Converfion^ pray pro-
ceed and give me farther \n\\ru[iion. Then they
gladly went on with their preceiided Demonftra-
tions, mingling Threats and Fromifes, and teaz-
ing me continually, fo that I confefs I was ftu-
pify'd, and almolt ready to declare my felf their
Profelyte.
But ftill, under God, I trufted to my heels,
hoping by Ibme means or ocher to get out of
their Hands. My defign, if 1 fhouid eicape, was
to go for Holland^ where I iioped to meet a Ship
bound lor Japan or ¥ormofa ^ and for this end
from the Map of Europe I wrote down every
Town's Name that I thought was in the Road
from Avignon to Holland,
When nine days of the fifteen were expired, I
fent for a Jew to my Lodging, to whom I pri-
vately fold all my unneceiTary CI oaths and things
that were not portable, and by this means I got
fome Money to defray the expences of my Jour-
ney, which I intended to begin the next day •,
and accordingly the next Morning I ask'd ( that
I might not be fufpeded ) four voung Gentlemen
0 2 ' of
ip6 The Authors Tl ravels.
of my Acquaintance to take a walk into the Fields,
and to crofs the River Rhone to a place call'd
Ville-l^eufue^ where all forts of Diverfion might
be found ( for it being in the French King's Ter-
ritories^ the Inquifition has no power there) when
we came to the City Gate, the Centinel let my
Companions pafs, but told me he was exprelly
commanded not to fufFer me to go out of the
City ^ his words greatly furpriz'd me, howevet
I did not difcover my uneafinefs, but with feem-
ing content I took my leave of my Friends, and
laid, Since I am not allow'd to walk in the
Fields, 1 will divert my felf fome where ir^ the
City ^ but inftead of that, I returned to my
Chamber, where I ftay'd till about eight of the
Clock in the Evening, then I went to the above-
men tion'd Jew, and left my Yormofan Habit that
I had hitherto worn with him, and he furnifh'd
me with a black Coat, a Band, a Peruque, and a
broad brim'd Hat.
It being now about nine of the Clock at Nighty
and I thus drefs'd like an Ahhot^ I attempted to
pafs out through another Gate % but alas! I had
been fo much taken notice of hj every body,
that no difguife would conceal me, for the Sol-
dier who flood at this Gate knew me, aixl ftopp'd
me alfo •, this fecond dilappointmenc plung'd me
almofl: into Diipair, for my lad refuge (as I
thought) tailling, I expefted to be deliver'd up
to my Tormentors ^ however, I recollefted my
felf, and I thank Providence, I had in this time
of danger a prefence of Mind that I cannot de-
fcribe ^ I confider'd the force of Money, and I
confider'd the Centinel as a mercenary Soldier,
fp I clapp'd a Fijhle or Laun dVr into his hand
(and I am lure I would have given him my All
rather than have Itaid in Avignon) he fcrupied a
little
The Authors Traifcls. 1 97
Iktk at firft, and ralk'd of the danger he was in
fhould it be known that he let me pais, but I
told hln? he had no reafon to fear being difco-
ver'd, for it was Night, and I in that difguife,
and no one near us, fo that if it were known he
muft tell it himfelf ^ at lalt he pocketed the
Gold, and let me go.
Thus the moft mercifjl God deliver'd me out
of the hands of the cruel Jefuits and Inquificors,
from whom the greateft favour I could expeft
was clofe Imprifonment, unlefs I would, to fave
my felf, hypocritically profefs a Religion that I
could never believe to be Orthodox.
Having thus happily made my efcape from
Avignofi^ I traveled along the Rhoue to Orange^
from thence to St. Efpnt^ Bourg^ Valence^ Ro^
7nans^ 6^c. to Lion^ from thence I continued my
Journey towards Bourg en hreffe^ Sdins^ Bezan-
§on^ Befort^ and l^o on to Bnfac^ from whence I
kept along the Rhine to Colmar^ Seleftat^ Stras-
bourg^ Haguenau^ V/ijfemhurg^ till I came to 'Lan-^
ddu^ the laft City then in poffeffion of Fran-ce,
You mult know I was fo afraid of being pur-
fu'd, that I did not pafs thro' thefe places, nei^
ther did I lye a Night in one of them •, indeed
I was forc'd to go through L/^/7, Bourg enBreJJe^
Strasbourg and Landau^ becaufe I could not go
round them. I was ( as is ufual ) Itopp'd in ie-
veral places, and ask'd many queltions, as.
Whence came you? What Counrryman ? And
what's your Religion ? To the firft I always an-
fwer'd that I came from Rome^ which was eafily
believ'd becaufe I fpoke a little Itaiinn, and lefides
\ had ftill left fome papers of Obfervations that
I made when I went to the Jubilee, To the 1^.-
eond I fometimes anfwer'd I was an Englijhman^
Qerman^ or an Injhman. which were People thaj:
03 Iha4
I p 8 T'he Authors Travels.
I had heard of, but I underftood not a word of
their Languages, and 'tis well for me that I met
with no Man that did. Laftly, when they ask'd
me whether I was a Catholick > I had learned to
reply, Yes, by the Grace of God and the blefled
VugiuMary ^ befides, I crofs'd my felf, and could
fay Ave Maria^ and thus I thank God I got fafe
out of the French Dominions.
From Landau^ paffing thro' Neujiat^ Worms^
Maience^ Cohlents^ and other places, at lalt I
reach'd Andernac\\ a City belonging to the Eleftor
o^Cologn^ who had then given out Commiflions
for railing a Regiment of Foot, the Officers prefs'd
all likely Paflengers, and I amongft others was
brought before one of the Captains, to whom I
freely confefs'd my felf a Native oiFormofa^ and
that I was not a Catholick, but a Pagan (as I find
you diftinguifli in Europe) that having heard
wonderful Stories of this part of the World, I
came from fo diftant a Country to fatisfiemy Cu-
riofity : He reply'd, I care not for your Country
and Religion, if you can but carry a Musket V15
enough for me ; I us^d many Arguments to in-
due bim to releafe me, but he, civilly indeed,
told me that he muft execute his Matter's Or-
ders, and that I could not go twenty Miles be-
fore I (hould again be prefs'd, therefore, fays he.,
you had bettei ftav with an Officer that will ufs
you kindly , befides, when w^e come to Bonn^ I
will inform the rollonel what you are, and no
doubt but he will rrcfent you to the Prince, who
perhaps will dilcharge you and give you his
Pafs, then you nay go unmolefted to Holland :
Upon thefe confiderations 1 fubmitted, and my
name was entered as one of his Company.
At tnat time we had three Companies in At^-
dernach^ three in Lints^ and fix in Bonn^ which
was
The Author s Tra^z^els. ipp
was the place appointed for our Rendezvous ?
When we were come to Bonn , my Captain re-
membered his promile, and related all that had
pafs'd between us to the Chevalier de St, Maurice
our Collonel, but he being a bigotted Papift,
thought ic a damnable Sin to entertain a Pagan
in the Service of the Eleftor, and therefore h^
acquainted his Eleftoral Highnefs, who com*
manded me to be carried to fome Jefuits, that
they might endeavour to convert me. Where^-
upon I was obliged to go with the Collonel and
fome other Officers to the Jefuits, with whom
I was to difpute about Religion ^ tho' I knew
very well by my former experience, that they
are not able by ftrength of Argument to con-
vince any Man, and much lefs a Jew, a Turk,
or a Heathen. And now, being well acquaint-
ed with their Opinions before-hand, and the
feveral Evafions and Diftinftions they mad$
ufe of to defend them, I was the better pre-
pared to enter the Lifts with the Jefuits, a-
gainfi whom, I endeavoured to demonftrate,
that there were as great Abfurdities in their
Religion, as they could (hew in mine -, which
I did with fo much readinefs and brisknefs,
and fuch a fair appearance of Reafon, that the
Collonel cry'd out like one aftonifhed. It was
not I that fpoke^ but fome Devil that /poke
within 7ne. At laft one of the Jefuits1:ook me
afide to a private place, and told me, that I
was in a moft miferable condition, if I fhould
continue in the Fagan Religion, but if I would
declare my felf a Convert to the Romifh Faith,
he was able to obtain great things for me from
the Prince EleQor •, but I told him he ihould
firft convince me of the truth of his Religion,
before he made me any fuchPromifes t which
O4 !'b?
200 The Authors 'travels.
" he not being able to do, I flighted his ofFer,
" and continu'd ftill in my own Religion. Where-
" upon the Collonel was fo exafperated againft
" me, that he threatened to throw me into Pri-
" fon, and feed me with Bread and Water, un-
" til fuch time as I (hould declare my felf a
" Convert. But my Captain, who was much
" the honefter Man of the two, having feized
*^ me by force, would not fufFer any hurt to bq
" done me ^ and therefore pray'd the Collonel
" to permit me to go off, and to grant me a Pafs,
" for travelling whitherfoever I would ^ which
" was prefently done. After I got out oiBonn^
*' I continued my Journey till I came to Cologn^
*^ and there the Centinel who kept the Gate feiz'd
" me again, and carried me before the Captain
" of the main Guard, to whom I (hew'd my
" difmiflion out oiBonn^ upon the account of
^' my Religion •, but he faid to me, 1/ others he
" fcols^ I am not •, tho" you are a Pagan, you may
^^ ferve in the Artny as well as the beft Chriftian,
^' and fo I was obliged to lift my felf a Soldier ia
^' that Regiment.
Our Collonel Buchwald^ Major Eilyer^ and Cap-
tain Warnfdorff ( who was my Captain, and af-
terwards made our Major ) were all J^utherans ^
Mr. De Vandevil^ our Lieutenant Collonel, was a
Frenchtnan and a Roman Catholick, moft of the
other Omcers were Calvinijis ^ the Regiment was
hir'd by the Dutch of the Prince of Mecklen-
burgh.
' Some time after, my Collonel and Captain bq-
ing together, they fent for me, and my Captain
faid, " We are concern'd for your future Happi-
" nefs ^ 'tis true we iliall always allow you U-
" berty of Confcience, yet we would willingly
*^ have yoLi rightly inftruQed in the Chriftian
''' Faith :
The Authors Travels. ao i
^ Faith : We find the abfurdities of theRomifb
*' Church have juftly given you offence, but our
" Religion is free from thofe Errors : I am not
" indeed fit to difpute with you, but if you
" will confent to it, I will fpeak to fome of
" our Lutheran Minifters, and I hope you will
*' receive more fatisfa£lion from them than you
" did from the Romifh Priefts. I anfwer'd, that
I (hould be always ready to embrace any Reli-
gion, when I was once convinced of the truth of
it. The Collonel then appointed the day when
I fhould meet thefe Minifters at his Houfe 5 in
the mean time, the Minilter of Miithem^ a Vil-
lage about three Miles from Cologn^ and two
Chaplains of the Brandenhurgh Regiments, and
the Lutheran Minifter of Cologn were engag'd to
manage this Conference.
Here, by way of digreffion, I muft beg leave
to acquaint the Reader, that neither Lutherans
nor Calvin jjis are allow'd any publick divine
Worfhip in Cologn in the time of Peace, but in
War they meet as often as they pleafe ^ for this
liberty is granted for the fake of the Soldiers,
when there are Proteftant-Confederates in Garri-
fon, but when the City is only defended by thejr
own Soldiers, thefe Meeting-places are all fhur,
and the Citizens that are Lutherans or Cahinifts
crofs the Water to a place called Duiits to have
the benefit of publick Prayers and Sermons. But
to return.
As yet I was unacquainted with the Tenets of
Xh^Lutherans ^ but the better to qualifie my fejf
for the difpute, I went to a Cahinifts and as'd
him the difference between his Principles and the
Lutherans ^ He anfwered, that the main point
they differ'd in v^zsConfubftantiatwn^ which is a
Doftrine, fays he, as abfurd as the RomifJo Tran-
[uhjiantiation.
202 T'he Authors Travels.
fubjlantiatwjj. I reply 'd, pray tell me what they
mean by it, and what are your Arguments againft
it. He very frankly informed me, and mentioned
feveral reafons againft that Opinion, which after-
wards I improved as well as I could for my own
defence. The appointed day being come, the
four Minifters and I met at my CoUonersHoufes
they open'd the Conference with afferting the
authority of the Holy Scriptures^ and this indeed
they prov'd by many valid Arguments •, they
dwelt too long upon points that I was alrea^
dy fatlsfied in, which made me almoft impa-
tient till they came to their favourite and cha-
rafteriftick DoGrine o? Confubftantiation ♦, but at
laft we came to that point, and then I took the
liberty to fay, " That it is liable to many of the
'^ fame abfurdities with the Romijh Doftrines,
^^ about the Eucharift ^ Firft, becaufe it denies
'^ the certainty of our Senfes in the proper ob-
*' jeSs, and confequently deitroys their great E-
^' vidence of the Chriftian Religion, from the
" Miracles wrought in confirmation of it, which
*' depends upon the teftimony of their Senfes^ who
^- were Eye-witneffes of them. Secondly, The
^^ Lutheran Do£lrine, as well as the Romijh^ fup-
^'' pofes that the Body of Chrift which is now
^' Glorious and Immortal in Heaven, is corporal-
" ly prefent in the Eucharift, and at the fame
" time in all thofe places where this Sacrament
" is celebrated, which appeared to me impot
"• fible.
'' But befides thefe abfurdities, which are com-
'' mon to them both, the Lutheran Doftrine is
^* encumbred with feveral that are peculiar to it:
'' For firft , they fay that thefe words, Thh is
" my Body ^ are to be underftood literally, and
^^ that the fubftance of the Bread is really pre-
^' fenti
The Author s Tra^eh. 203
fent •, fo that according to their Interpretation,
the meaning of the words is, This fubltance
of the Bread is really the Flefh of Chrift,
which is a contraditlion in terminis •, for
it is plainly ioipoffible, that the fame fub-
ltance (hould, at the fame time, be both
Bread and Flelh. Secondly, They affirm that
the Bread in the Eucharift is the Sacrament
and Sign of Chrift's Body, and at the fame
time that it is the real Body •, whereas it is
impoffible that the fame thing (hould be both
the Sign and the Thing fignified, or that any
thing (hould be a fign of it felf. Thirdljr,
They maintain that the Body of Chrift is alive
in the Eucharift (for they deny the Popi(h
Sacrifice of the Mafs, wherein the Body is
flain and ofFer'd up) which being united to
the Divinity, is certainly the objefl: of Ado-
ration , and yet they deny that it is to be wor-
(hippM.
With thefe, and the like Arguments, I oppos'd
their Doftrine of Confubjiantiation •, I call it
iheir DoSrine^ becaufe many other Luther ans I
am informed do not believe it.
One of the Minifters told me I argu'd a little
too haftily, for, fays he, were you perfuaded of
the truth of the Holy Scriptures, I could eafily
from thence prove this Doftrine. To this I an-
fwer'd, that fuppoGng I did now believe the Bi-
ble to be God's Word, yet if I found it aflerted
Confubjiantiation^ I (hould be apt to think it was
inferred by fomeTranflator on purpofe to favour
his own Opinion, for it is not like a Myilery
abovcy but plainly contraiidory to reafon. Be-
fides, I faid, it was their part to anfwer my Ob-
jeftions, and not barely to aflert their DoGrine^
for at jhat rate perhaps I might amufe them (hould
I go
C04 Tif^e Authors Tra<vels,
I go about to perfuade them of the truth of my
Religion.
It now growing late, and they finding then
they could not fatisfie me, they broke up the
Conference.
The Minifter who liy'd near Cologn defir'd the
liberty of my Commanders to take me to his
Houfe for a Week or a Forttnight, faying, he
doubted not then to convert me himfelf : I was
not very willing, however I was ordered to go
along with him. I had not been three days in
his Houfe before our Captain made us a vifit, and
he joyn'd with the Minifter to perfuade me to
embrace their Religion, making many enticing
promifes, whether in earneft, or only to try me,
I can't tell, but thefe did not prevail.
When our Lieutenant Collonel heard the Lu-
therans had nor converted me, he was mightily
pleas'd 5 and after fome Days he carried me to
the Capouchins^ and recommended me to one of
the Fathers, who was Governour of the Society
of New Converts^ and he fhew'd me about three*-
fcore young Men, who had been Lutherans^ CaU
vinifls^ Jews^ converted to the Romifh Religion ^
and all were handfomely provided for according
to their quality, I fmiFd, and could nor forbear
faying, '' had I Wealth enough to maintain them
^^ more luxurioufly than they live here,! doubt nor
" tut I could make moftof xh^mRagans : This I
perceiv'd greatly incens'd the Governour, fo that
I thought it fafe to get from him as faft as I
could. Notwithftanding this affront, my Lieu-
tenant Collonel afterwards took me to the Jefuits,
but their Arguments were as inefFeOiual as their
Brethren's at Avignon,
Laftly, Our Calvinift Officers invited me to go
to one of their Minifters, but I excused my felf
that
The Authors Travels. ,205
that day, and faid I would go with them fome-
tim^e in the next Week ^ in the mean while, by
my Ro?nan and Lutheran Acquaintance I was in-
formed of their DoQrine oiabfolute Fredeftinat'wn^
and I fram'd Arguments againft it. The day ap-
pointed being come, I went with the Officers
to this Calvinift Minifter, who proposed fuch a
dear Syftem of Religion, that I confefs he had
almoft made me a Chrijiia/i^ and he argu'd fo
well, that I could not think he believed abfolute
Tredeftination : But when I defir'd to be inform'd
of this point, he difputed fo weakly, and fo
ftrain'd the Texts of Scriptures by endeavouring
from thence to prove it, that I was fhock'd, and
began to doubt the truth of all he had fo well
faid before. Wherefore I told him, '''' If ab"
" folute FredejYtnation was a neceffary Article
" of Faith, I was a Reprobate, becaufe I
" could not believe it : Befides, fuppofe this.
" Doftrine true, I (hall never be condemn'd for
" Infidelity, becaufe my Reprobation is by an
^^ Eternal Decree, fo I am as near my Salvation
'' if I dye a Pagan as if I dy'd a Chriftian. Nei-
" ther can I believe in Ckriji^ unlefs I am fatis-
*' fied that he dy'd for me 5 but I can never be
" certain he did, if abfolute Predeftination be
^^ true, for you fay he dy'd only for thofe who
" were by an Eternal Decree predeftinated to be
" faved, and fince its i'mpoffible for me to
" know whether I am one of thofe fo decreed, ic
" is therefore impoiTible for me to embrace this
" Religion.
Thefe and fuch like Arguments were not an-
fvver'd by the Miniiter, who, to excufe himfelf,
faid to the Company that I was obftinate, and
would nor be convinced by Reafon and Scrip-
ture,
After
20 6 'the Authors Travels.
After all thefe attempts to convert me to
Chriftianity, as yet I continued in my Pagan Ido-
latry : Nor did any one elfe endeavour to un-
deceive me during all the reft of my ftay in
Colog/i.
I fpent fix Months in Cologn, our Regiment
quartering there all the time, but now it was
commanded to joyn fome others, and form the
Seige of Keyjerfwart ; after we had taken the
place, our Regiment was fent into Quarters of
refrelhment at Boifleduc in Holland-^ and here
alfo fome Calvimft Minifters vifited me, bur I
think they rather came out of curiofity than with
a defign to convert me, for moft of our Difcourfe
was about the Mannners and Cultoms of my
Country : One of them indeed ask'd me this no^
table queftion, Why I would not be a Chriftian?
I anfwer'd him plainly, that no Man yet ever
gave me an Orthodox Scheme of Religion ^ for
the Fapijts^ with their Tranfubjlantiatton ^ the
Lutherans^ with their Conjubflantiation^ and Tou^
with your ahfolute l^redeftination^ have fo fcan-
daliz'd Chriltianity, rhat no Heathen of common
fenfe will ever be converted to it till thefe ab-
furdities be corre£ted : And here I repeated fome
of my Arguments againft all thefe Errors, efpe-
cially againft his own •, but he was far from re-
turning any fatisfaftory Anfwer.
From Boifleduc we march'd to Sluyfe in Ylan-
Aers^ where we ftaid about fourteen Weeks be-
fore any one faid a word to me about Religon :
And then the moft generous and candid Briga-
dier hauder^ who was then Governour of Sluyfe^
invited to his Houfe a Minifter of the Vrench
Church, caird UAmalvy. This French Minifter
who had a great opinion of himfelt challenged
me to difpute with him about Religion, and
time
The Authors Travels, a 07
time and place were agreed upon. When the
day came, there appeared a great multitude of
learned Men to hear us : And in the prefence of
them all UAmalvy made me this offer. That if
I could fliew greater Evidence for my Religion
than he could (hew for his, he was ready to re-
nounce his own Religion , and embrace mine 5
and in return for this frank offer, I promifed him
to do the fame thing, if he could give me clearer
demonftrations for the truth of his Religion, than
I could for mine. Having thus fettled the Preli-
minaries, I was firft to give an account of the
God we ador'd, and our manner of worfhipping
him, which I did as well as I could extempore j
but when I told him, that we are commanded
by our God to offer up Infants in facrifice to him,
he ftopp'd me, and ask'd. Does not this favour
of Cruelty in your God > To which I anfwer'd^
That it was indeed moft cruel to require fuch
Humane Sacrifices ^ but from hence I took occa-
fion to retort the Argument upon him, by (hew-
ing that his God was yet more cruel, according
to his Opinion of him : For if it be cruel to de-
prive Men of this temporal Life, tho' by this
means they are admitted to eternal Life •, cer-
tainly it is infinitely more cruel to create Men
on purpofe to make them eternally miferable,
and to condemn them to this Mifery before they
are born, without any refpeO: to the Good or
Evil they (hall do, and fo to facrifice them to
the Devil. To' this retortion he could- not an-
fwer, and fo I proceeded farther to inform hin?,
that our God did appear to us in the fhape of
an Elephant, an Ox, &c, and that under thefe
fh^pes we worihipp'd him. Againfl: this Appa-
rition of God under fuch Figures, he obje£led,
That it was impofTible that God who was Omni-
potentj
^o§ The Author* s TrwueU.
potent. Infinite, Immenfe, Incomprehenfible and
Eternal, could be included in the Body of fuch
a Realt. To which I anfwer'd, That ific is im-'
polTible for God to be included in the Body of
fuch a Bealt, he was bouiod to maintain the like
abi'ardity by the Principles of his own Religion 5
for, faid I, you believe that the Holy Ghoft^
WHO is God Infinite, Immenfe,- ilfc, did appear
under the (hape of a Dove, which is much lefs
than either an Elephant or an Ox. To this he
made no reply, and tho' there were many pre-
fenc who would have anfwer'd this and other
Arguments, yet he commanded them all to be
filent, and would fuffer no body to fpeak but
himlelf. In fine, he exhorted me very much to
the praftice of Chriftian Humility and Meeknefs,
as if he intended to referve to himfelf alone the
privilege of Fride and Arrogance , which I could
plainly difcern by his words and aftions, to be
very predominant in his terr.per. Thus this Con-
ference ended, without producing any good ef-
feO: upon me^ and if by God's Providence I had
not met with a better Guide to direQ me in the
Courfe I ihould fteer in this dangerous Sea of
Con^roveifies, I muft have fplit upon the Rocks
and Shelves of the abfurd Opinions I met with
among fome fort of Chriftians, and adher'd more
obftinately than ever to the Idolatry in which I
was educated. For I could never bring my felf
to believe fuch a Scheme of the Chriftian Religi-
on, as was propofed , but not demonftrated by
him •, fuch a Syftem of Religion could neverfind
entertainment with me, which places C<?A'3^r^ in
the very Threfhold, I mean, which impofes as a
neceffary Article of Faith, the horrible Decree of
abfolute Reprobation ^ for this Do£trine gives a
very odiouS and frightful Idea of a molt Good
and
The Authors Travels. 2 05^
and Gracious God, by reprefenting him as cruel
and tyrannical to his poor Creatures, as one that
defigns and delights in their ei;ersal Ruine ^' It
perfeftly overturns all Religion, by deftroying
the ufe of all Laws, and their Rewards and Pu-
nKhments, to thofe that are fecter'd with the
adamantine Chains of this fatal I>eccec; ^ who ac-
cording to the Calvinifts are the greateft part of
Mankind. But while I was in this uncertain and
dangerous Condition, it pleafed God (who Is
infinicely Wife and Good, and will not fuffer that
Religion which he has planted and maintain'db/
his own Almighty Power,, to be check'd in its
progrefs by th^ ignorance or miftak^ of his Ml-
nifters) I fay, it pleafed thi$ gc^o^ God to prp^-
vide for me fuch a judicious ^nd Ijoneft Guide,
as was very fqccefsful in all things relating to my
Converfion, who propofed >to rnethe Chriftian
Religion in its Surity, without thofe monfirous
Doftrines of Tranfubjlantiatwn^Confubfiantia''
Iwn and ahjolute Fredeftination: A Religion not
embarrafs'd with any of thofe abfurdities which
are maintain'd by the many various Se9:s in Cbfi-
ftendom : Whereof he gave me a Scheme, lii 4
mathematical Method by way .of Definitions,^
Axioms^ "FoftuktadsAFropflfitiom \ which hie, di-
vided into two Parts, whereof the fir ft contains
the Grounds of the Chriftian Religion in general^
the fecond contains the particular Grounds of the
Church o^ England^ as it is a Society diftina;
from all Schifmatical Afleoiblies. And firft, the
Grounds of the Chriftian Religion he proposed in
the following Order, whereby I was, thro' God's
Mercy, deliver'd from the Errors and Superftitions
of my Fagan Religion.
The
^98 • ''l^k^Crcuff^^ABf^^ -
^heCronnd^ of the Aii'i k 6 r's C(^/?-
10 nnq u^ii^^i^ '^^'^^ ^^^^ •i'\y.s\<j\hj t?.-;: .:o,)
%^£ffn; i, By Go J, I ufjie^flkini'^a Being hiji'
'AjJ nite^ uncreated^ eternal^ &c, Containingin
Vmfelf all Verfetiidnithat either dUuUly exip^t>r
'nrepoffible/-'-- - -^ -^ -■ •■V; ^ v'
^;j^2. A^^i^ti^^ fi^^ ti> be 'n-eat^i for the Glory
bffGoJ^ ziohiep mnifejfs one^-er Mt>re of his Mr
'tributes^ according toiu natural St^te ahd Tomer ^
<"'9. By MtrMes^'^l:underftaM certain EjfeS's
W^t are clear land evident^ which e^xeeed all the
'Powers of hatilr^J- Cdufes^ a'nd,ai^i iefigti'd fot
ilk' confirmation of a good Religion, ■ ' ' > '*\
"^"4? By Revelation; I tinder jhnd the extraordh
l^ary-mdnifeflation of the divine Will^ vohich MeA
iy ^heirriatiirixl Faculties could not attain to. '-^
""% 'By Reitgron^-l'underfiani that Worjhip^ or
ko^'ofWorfhifypiiig^ whith Godremires of m^uni
fi^f ewe unto hitn:P^^ ^^ ^^^^M ^ l^^•^■.'l•>^-^xr^
'"'^BrBy Qreaticrerr^ the fame kind ^f under fi^h A
^iherfuch di-areWegetatrue^ 6enfki%)e^ c^r Rah
;^^^, Jhat is'foji^Vi-eKift hpahfUuth ■ necef^i%
mthffuf. vfhich hoih/^/el/e can exifii ' '
-er.o^3!,y// Creatures'' -are not endowed mth equal
Terfe^ions. - .- • , ^ •
2. Two or more Vropofitions^ co7Jt radioing two
G^jnore Tropofitions^ cannot be both true,
I. If
the Authors Coifverfton. an
3. If there be two or more things^ confining' of
two or more ^ropo fit ions which are repugnant to
one another^ thefe things cannot be both true:
4. There are different Religions in the World.
5. All different Religions whatfoever^ confifl of
a certain number of Fropojit ions ^ which are either
allfalfe^ or all true^ or partly falfe^ partly true.
6. Vnlefs we had a thinking faculty^ the Glory
of God would not appear to us. . -,
7. The flronger the faculty is in any Man^ the
more clearly are the properties of a thing conceived
by him.^. viz. Of that thing .x^hich h the akjtU of
the faculty.
8. Nothing can be made by nothing,
^ POSTUtktA.
J. Thdtthe Glory of God^ th€ publick Good^
and the advantage of every private Man^ • be the
great ends which are defign^d by all true Religion.
2. That Men muft either believe fomething or
nothing.
3. That nothing be believd without fufficient
Evidence.
4. That thofe things which have the fame or
equal degrees of Evidence^ Jhould obtain with us
the fame or an equal degree of affent.
PROPOSITIONS.
1 . There is a God.
2. All things were created for hk Glory.
3. The more we know of an objctl^ the 7nore^
naturally fpeaking .^ Jloould the Contemplation of
that objed excite in us the love or hatred ofit>
4. All the different Relrgions in the World.,, pro-
ceed either from the love or hatred of the obje^l
P 2 of
ai2 The Grounds af
cf our Adoration^ or the different degrees of thefe
Affe&ions.
5. No Worjhip is to be given toGod^ which m
not grateful to him,
6. All the Religions in the World^ taken coU
ietiively^ are not acceptable to God.
7. There is one Religion^ con fide r'*d diflinSfy
by it felf\ which alone is grateful to God,
8. Men in their natural State^ cannot dif cover
this one Religion,
9. T.here are certain means ^ whereby the true
Religion may be iijcern^d from thofe that are
falfe.
10. Revelation U abfolutely necefjary,
11. *Tk moji agreeable to the Wifdom ofGod^
that th^ Creatures of the fame kind^ Jhould exprefs
the Glory cf God in one and the fame harmonious
manner •, nay^ this is a thing infepar able from the
nature of thefe Creatures,
12. God may reveal himfelf more or lefs to
Mankind,^ according to hk own good f leaf ure,
1^, The more univerfal the Evidence is for
any Revelation^ the more perfed and univerfal the
Religion it felf is,
14. That Religion was never iefigrCdbyGodto
be embraced by all Mankind,, which had not the
degrees of Evidence proportionable to that Uni-
verfality.
1 5. That Revelation is of all others molJ fer*
fe[}^ whofe Evidence is mofl univerfal,
1 6. That Revelation^ and confequently Religi-
on^ 7^ jufily to be elieem^d mofl univerfal^ whofe
Evidence is fo clear ,^ that none can call it in que-
fiion if he believes any things and which contains
fuch Arguments exciting Men to the praciice of
it^ as are fuited to the meanefi capacity.
Upon
the Author s Cou'verfion. 213
Upon thefe fure Foundations laid down by
my faithful Guide, which he more particularly
explained and prov'd to me by word of Mouth,
the Divine Grace alTilting me, I did heartily em-
brace the Chriftian Religion.
And I will be bold to affirm, that if any one
(hall carefully examine all the Religions in the
World, by the Rules aforemention'd, it will
plainly appear, that neither the Jewijh , nor P^-
gaTiy nor Mahometan Religion, but only the Chri-
jftian^ has ajuft title to be the Univerfal Re-
ligion of Mankind.
But then finding there were (everal Societies
of Chriftians, I was for fome time doubtful to
which Communion I fhould joyn my felf^ for the
Minifters of the Dutch Church endeavour'd to
perfuade me to their Communion, alledging,
that a Church govern'd by Bifhops, was not a-
greeable to Scripture and the primitive Church .:
And on the contrary, Mr. I/^/yd-x affirmed and pro-
ved, that Epifcopal Government was the primi-
tive Form of Government us'd in the Chriftian
Church : But while I was thus doubtful , at
length certain Principles were agreed upon be-
tween them both, which being propos'd in a ma-
thematical Method, and clearly demonltrated, re-
mov'd all doubts out of my mind, and lix'd me
to be a molt faithful Member of the Church of
England,
Thefe Principles were propos'd to me in the
following Order*
P 5 DKFI-
2 1 4 T'he Ground f of
DEFINITIONS.
ii'..' '.■ ' •
I. By a certain Order of Men ^l tinier Hand
fome Jeleti Ferfons in a Society^ enjoying'- a power
or privilege which is not communicable to every
particular Member of that Society,
^'..H'j.By Ordination^ I underfland a power receivi
of another or others^ for adminiftring the Holy Sa-
craments and other f acred Ordinances^ according
to our bleffed Saviour s Injiitution.
3. By a Churchy I underjiand a Society of Men
believing and profejjing the Chrijiian Dotlrine^ and
having a power of adminiftring the Holy Sacra-
ments and other facred Ordinances according to
cur bleffed Saviour'' s Injiitutions,
^ .
posiTvtJ^t ataI^;
i :j:ii L;i8 ■>
1. A Society may befJid to have a power ^ when
one cr more of the Society are vefted with it^
though every particular Member cannot pretend
to it,
2. What abfolute necefjity obliges a Society to
da in t line of Confufton^ ought not to be ^dde a
fiandard for the fame^ or another Society^ when
they come to enjoy their Fower or Privileges vjith*
out any difturbance 5 mfyy in thps cafe neceffny
772 a he s not the thing lawful,^ but pardonable-only^
end Icfes its name when any efcape occasion' d^ by it
can be redrefs'd, qoiq r/jW e^iqi^-'in i ^^/'^{,
?. In matters of ¥atl^ a fuppoflt^ofi^ ^/ihkcoTh-
irajy being pojfible^ is not fujficient to enervate
the truth of what is pafs'd^ i. e. none canfayfuch
a thing has not beenfo^ becaufe^ perhaps^ it could
have been other wife, .
AXIOMS,
the Author s Coniiisfirfwn. 5 J $
AXIOMS.
I. Nothing is to be believ'd in the ChriJliM Rer
iigion^ but what is b^ilt upon certain Eviience^
- 2. Nothing k to be frazils' d by Chriflians ( 1
mean in that Qapaeity ) which is not believed,
^, One Alan^ or number of Men^ cannot giv^
that to anofber, Man^ or another number of Men^
which they thimfehes have not^ or k not in their
power.
PROPOSITIONS.
1. There hath been a Church ofChrijiians upon
Earth ever Jince the days of our bleffedSapiour and
hii Apoflles* ,„ .
2. The Church bath no powery put what fhe
hath derived from cur bieffed Saviour and his
Apoftles.
g. The Apoftles were c loathed with a power
which zooi not communicable to all Chriftians in
general.
4. All Chriftians in general^ in the days of the
Apojiles or the primitive Churchy had not a power
of adminijlring the holy Sacraments and preaching
the Gofpel,
5;. Thofe who had not this power themfelves^
could not be in a capacity of communicating it to
others.
6, This power then has been continually lodg'd
in a certain Order of Men to whom our bieffed
Saviour or his Apoftles did communicate it*
7. Thk power has been tranfmitted down to
us by this Order of Men inviolably and tminter-
ruptedly from the fir ft Ages of the Cbrijiian Church,
P 4 §. Jhofc
3 i 6 The Crounels of
8. Thofe are not a Churchy who feparaie them-
f elves from that^ or thofe Societies of Chrijtians^
in whom the power of adminiflring the holy Sa-r
craments^ and other f acred Ordinances is only
iodg'd. '
9. Kp Perfon ought to joyn himjelf in Commu^
fiion with that Society which has no power of ad-
tniniflring the holy Sacrament s^ and other f acred
Ordinances,
10. No Man ought to affume to himfelf that
power ^ unlefs he receives it from thofe who are in
a capacity of giving it,
11. Every one that receives it this way^ ought
to be fully ajfured^ and have fufficient Evidence^
that thofe from whom he receives it^ have a real
power of granting it^ and a bare probability can
never vindicate him from ufurping that power,
1 2. No Man can be ajfured of this^ unlefs at
the fame time he hath fufficient Evidence^ that
thofe who give it him be in the number of that
Order of Men^ to whom the Apofi/es did commu-
nicate thk power ^ to he tranfmitted down inviola-
bly and uninterruptedly from the firft Ages of the
CbriJIian Church,
13. There is no other way for People to be of-
furd of thif^ but by going backward from their
own times to thofe of the Apoftles or the primitive
Church.
14. Thofe v^o cannot produce this Evidence ^
cannot be that Order of Men to whom the Apo-
files did communicate this power to be inviola-
bly and uninterruptedly preferv'^d and tranfmitted
down to us from the firft Ages of the Cbriflian
Church,
15. The Church of England is able to produce
^his Evidence^ and confequently is in the number
^f that Order of Men^ to whom the Apoflles did
communicate
the Authors Conn^erfion. 1 1 7
communicate this power^ to be tranfmitted down
to us inviolably and uninterruptedly from the Jirft
Ages of the Chrifiian Church.
There were the Propofitions concerning Church
Communion that were given to me by my learn-
ed and judicious Guide Mr. Innes \ by their na-
tive force and evidence, all my doubts and fcru-
pies, about the various Societies of Chriftians,
were diflolv'd and vaniQi'd away , and I did
heartily joyn my felf to the Church of England^
as a true Apoftolical Church, and free from all
forts of Error, either as to its Government or Do-
ftrine. I know very well, that no truths are
fo clear but they may be liable to fome Objefti-
ons from Men of contrary Principles : But thus I
faid to the Minifters of Sluice^ Reverend Sirs, if
ye can give me as clear a Scheme of the Princi-
ples upon which your Communion is founded,
as this which is given me by Mr. Innes^ I (hall
readily compare them together, and determine
my felf according to the belt of my judgment ^
but until you do this, you muft pardon me that
I do not joyn my felf to your Communion : And
fince thefe good Men never attempted to give me
any fuch Scheme, I did frankly and publickly
profefs my felf a Member of the Church of
England.
Leaving therefore any farther difpute about
Church Communion, I fliall purfue the Grounds
and Principles given me by my Guide for de-
monftrating the Truth and Certainty of the
Chriftian Religion, And in doing this, I fhall
obferve this order in the following Difcourie, tv^,
I. I fhall prove the Exiltence of a God by
whom all things are created, and dlftinftly ex-
plain the Attributes of God.
2. I
^i8 / TheijroHnds of
2. I fhall CQnfider the final Caufes for which
God made the Heav^eti, and the Earth, and all
things that are in them ^ and from thence con-
clude, that they were made by a molt intelligent
arid wife Being. •
7,. I (hall auett the neceffity of a particular Re-
velation from God, to difcover the manner in
which he will be worfliipp'd by Mankind^ which
Worfhip is properly call'd by the name of Reli-
gion.
4. I fhall produce fuch Chara£terifticks and
Evidences whereby every one from the light of
Nature, may diftinguifh between a true and falfe
Religion.
5. I (hall demonflrate the Chrifiian Religion
to be the only true Religion, revealed by God to
Mankind, and that all the other Religions in the
World are falfe.
^7' And laftly, I Ml anfwer the principal Ob-
jeftions which I made while a Heathen , againft
the truth and;^ceytainty of the Chriftian Reli-
gion. .;w'^'
S E C T. I.
Of the Exifience of God.
ja^TpIS certain that the Being of God is the
•** ^ JL Foundation of all Religion, for all enqui-
ries about the right way of VVorfhipping him,
would be fuperfluous and impertinent, unlefs we;
firft are certain that there is a God. The far
jgreateft part of Mankind, as w^I Pagans as o-
;hers.
the Author s Con^verfton. i\^
thers, are agreed in the Exiftence of a God 5 yet
becaufe fome do call it in queftion, I (hall en-
deavour to prove it by a few Argutbents, that I
may fecure this fundamental Doftrine of all re-
veal'd Religion, from all the attacks of unreafon-
able Men.
But before I proceed to thefe Arguments, ic
may be neceffary to obferve the various Opinions
of learned Men concerning the means of attain-
the Knowledge of God : Some think that the
Notion of God is imprinted on the Hearts of all
Men by Nature •, others deny that there is any
fuch Idea of a God in the Minds of Men by Na-
ture : Some think that the knowledge of God is
conveyed to us by Revelation, or deriv'd by Tra-
dition from the firft Man, who was immediately
treated by God. But without entering upon a
nice examination of thefe feveral Opinions, I hope
this will be granted on all hands, that by th^
right ufe of our rational Faculties, with the help
of thofe Principles that are known by the light of
Nature, we may arrive at the certain knowledge
of God, whofe Exillence therefore I (hall en-
deavour to demonttrate by the following Argu-
rpents,
ARGUMENTS.
Every thing that is, mult either be from it
felf, or from another. If it be from it felf' then
it is uncreated, independent and eternal, and con-
fequently God : If from another, feeing all fe-
cond Caufes are produced by fome other which
give them being (as we derive our Original fronri
our Fathers, and rhey from thei* Fathers, and fo
iipwards) then either thefe Iccond. Caufes muft
produce one another in injinituw^ without any
beginning
aao 77?^ Grounds of
beginning', or theeffeft muft fometimes produce
a prior Caufe, and fo they muft produce one ano-
ther in a Circle, or we muft acknowledge fome
firft Caufe, by which all other things are produ'
ced, which is God^
Now there cannot be an infinite fucceffion of
Caufes producing one another from all Eternity:
For every Caufe that produceth a new thing out
of nothing, muft have fome beginning of its
operation, which muft be perfefted in a limitted
time, and therefore there can be no fuch pro-
duftion of any thing from all Eternity, but every
thing muft be produced in a certain determinate
time, which is plainly inconfiftent with the na«-
ture of Eternity.
And neither can there be any fuch circular
produftion of Caufes, whereby the laft efieft is
the efficient of the firft Caufe, for then the fame
thing would be the Caufe of its Caufe, it would
be prior and pofterior to its Caufe, and to it
felf, which is plainly impoffible, and therefore
we muft conclude, that there is a firft Caufe
which is uncreated, and the Creator of all things
dfe.
ARG. II.
I am fure that there is fomething now in the
World, for I am confcious to my felf, that I
think, I perceive, 1 doubt ^ which cannot proceed
from nothing, and therefore I am certain,^ that
there is a thinking Being. And from hence thefe
two things will undeniably follow :
F/V/?, That there was fomething from all Eter-
nity, for eitherthere was always fomething, and
fo there was an eternal Being, or there was a
time when there was nothing, and then nothing
could
the Authors Con^verfion. lit
could ever have been ^ for there is no Principle
more certain than this, that nothing can produce
nothing •, but every thing that is produc'd, muft
be produc'd by fomething •, and therefore if there
was a time when there was nothing, nothing
could ever have been produc'd.
idly^ Since 'tis certain that there is now in the
World a thinking Being, which knows and un^
derftands •, from hence it will no lefs evidently
follow, that there was a knowing, underftand-
ing Being from all Eternity ^ for it is no lefs im-
poflible for a Being void of Knowledge to pro-
duce .a knowing Being, than for nothing to pro-
duce fomething •, and if there was a time when
there was no fuch knowing Being, it could never
have begun to be, becaufe there was no caufe to
produce it ^ and therefore fuch a knowing Being
muft be from Eternity. After the fame manner
we may deduce all the perfe£lions of God, for
we find there is Power, Wifdom and Goodnefs
in the World ^ all which muft be derived fronEi
the fame eternal Source ; For if there had been a
time when thefe things were not, they could ne-
ver have begun to be, there being then no Caufe
to produce them *, and therefore this eternal Be-
ing muft be alfo moft Knowing, Powerful, Wife
and Good, and be the firft Caufe of all thefe Per-
feftions we find in the World ; for nothing can
ever give to another any Perfeftion that it hath
not in it felf, and therefore the firft eternal Caufe
of all things muft contain in it all the Perfefti-
ens that can ever after exift.
Having thus eftablifh'd theExiftence of a God,
I ftiall next proceed to prove, that he is the Ru-
ler of the World, who direfts and governs all
things by his wife Providence : Which will ap-
pear bv confideringj I. That all things in Nature
do
^a^ The Grounds of
4o a£l for certain ends, which they attalil by
uling proper means nritid to thofe ends that are
defig.i'd •, but to defign and purfue an end, and
;ipake caoice. ot fit means for compafling' that end,
aj;^luch actions as require Realon, Wifdom and
Foreiight, which no inanimate Creature is capa-
l)le of V and therefore all inanimate Creatures
^ull be direfted and guided by fome wife Super-
intendent, in purfuing their feveral ends by pro-
per means, which themfdves know nothing of*
.2. We fee that all things in nature are fubordt-
nate to one another, and made fubfervient to fi;>
veral excellent ufes and purpofes, which mufl: be
the contrivance of a wife Governour that ruleth
over all.
Thus the Plants and Herbs ferve for Food to
Animals, and both Plants and Animals are ufeful
for many purpofes to Man, as for Food and Phy-
fick, and feveral other necelTary ends in humane
Life : Man himfelf is wonderfully made, all the
parts of his Body being wifely adapted to per-
form their feveral FunQions, and mutually fub-
fervient to one another, and to the good of the
whole, as might be largely proved by particular
Inftances, if it were neceffary. We cannot open
our Eyes, but we meet with many Arguments of
a wife over ruling Providence-, for the Air ferves
lis to breath in, and is 16 neceffary to our Life,
that it cannot fubfift many minutes without it.
The Earth fupplies us with Corn for Food, and
Wood for Firing ^ it fupports our Houfes, and
furnilhes the Materials for building of them ;
The Sea ferves to tranfport our Ships and Com-
modities to the molt diltant parts of the Earth,
and to bring home into our Habours the Pro-
duCls of all other Countries. The Sun does not
fhine for himfelf, but appears to be made on
.. :/ purpofe
the Authors C^rmSffion* 235
purpofe to give light to them that live upon the
Earth, and it is placed at fuch a convenient di-
ftance, and moves in fuch a cbnftant uniform
Courfe, as is neceffary to refrefh all things on
Eatth with its hegt» and |o rip^n all the^Fnyts
of the Ground. By which, and many thbufand
orher Inftances wherein the Creatures are admi-
rably fitted for ufeful and excellent purpofts^ it
plainly appears, that the Works of Nature cah-
not polTibly be the effefts of blind Chance ar^
Neceflity, but muft be the contrivance of an AU-»
wife Creator and Governour. ^. To thefe Argu-
intents we might add for a farther confirmation pf
this truth, fit:ft^ The univerfal confent of all N^-
mks^ which generally agree, that; there is one
fupreme God^ who made and governs the World.
^diy^ The natural Power of Confcience , which
reproves and torments a Man for the heinoi^Sr
Crimes he has committed, tho' the Perfon be a:
bove the fear of humane Punifhment, or the
Crime be committed fo fecretly, as to efcape al|<
natural means of difcovery ^ in which Qfe§.^
Confcience by its Sentence djoe^^ as- it were^^biflij
a Man over to the judgment of a fuperiourrinvi-
fible Judged But 1 ftiall conclude all with .this
Reflexion 1 r.That from 'what , has been faid \\
appears, that tho' Mankind had not any reveal'd
Notion of a God, yet they are endpw'd witJi
fuch a rational Faculty, by' v^hich they can deduce
the exiftence of a God, from: fuch Principles as
are univerfaliy known and acfcnowledg'd by th^
light of Nakure: And this; tbfif -can do without
the help of Revelation, which muft always pr^
fuppofe the being of a- Qod^ who makes that Re- .
velation, J ..,;., i>.7
Las f§;iitil w <:j, . ?i
hT>v,6w SECT*
224 T^^ Grounds of
^ E C T. IL
Of the Attributes of God in generaL
ALtho' we conceive the divine Effence in it
felf to be one and the fame, which confifts
in all poflible Perfeftion ^ yet the Attributes of
God may be diftinguifli'd and caird by peculiar
Names, with refpeft to the different Objefts
upon which they are exercis'd, and the different
Operations that are exerted upon them ^ not that
there is any real diverfity in God himfelf, but
only in our conceptions of him ^ for iuch is the
weaknefs of ourllnderftanding, that we cannnot
in one thought comprehend all the divine Per-
feftions, but are forc'd to reprefent them to our
Minds feverally, as exerting themfelves upon dif-.
ferenc Objefts^ and fo there is no difference in
the Attributes themfelves, but only in our man*
ner of conceiving, with refpeft to their different
Operations.
But before we proceed to a particular enume-
ration of the divine Attributes, we muft premife,
that thefe Attributes are not to be confounded
with the peculiar Effefts proceeding from them,
but thefe two are to be diftin£lly confider'd and
explain'd. Thus Juftice is to be diftinguifh'd
from Punifhment, and Goodnefs from Beneficence,
as Caufes are commonly diftinguifh'd from their
proper Effefts.
This being premis'd, we may divide the Di-
vine Atcribuces into two forts : For e'lher God
is confider'd limply as a Being, and fo Spiritua-
lity and Eternity are attributed to him j or as a
living
the Author s Cori'verfton. 215
living Being, and fo Underftanding and Will are
afcribed to him. The Attributes of God that are
in the Will, may he confider'd two ways, either
after the manner of AfFeQions, fuch as we feel
in our felves, and fo Love, Hatred, Anger, De-
fire, Joy and Sorrow, (ffc. zre attributed to God 5
or after the manner of moral Vertues, as Juftice,
Goodnefs, Long-fufFering, Severity, GJ'r. to which
we may add, as that which refults from all his
other Attributes, his Glory and Happinefs.
SECT- HI.
Of the divine Attributes in particular.
OF the Attributes which belong to God as he
is fimply a Being, we fhall reckon in the
firft place Unity-, for God is properly and nume-
rically one, as being undivided in himfelf, and
divided from all other things ^ and becaufe the
Divine Nature cannot be multiply'd into diffe-
rent Gods, as the Humane Nature is into feveral
Men, therefore there is one only true God, and
there is no other God befides him.
Thefecond Attribute which belongs to God as
he is fimply a Being, is Spirituality ^ for God is
a Spirit, :. e, ^ molt pure and immaterial Being,
devoid of all bulk , whofe moft effential Aft is
Cogitation ^ and he is not only incorporeal, buc
the moft pure and fimple of all Spirits.
The third Attribute of this fort belonging to
God, is Eternity, which is nothing elfe but a Du-
ration ihac has neither beginning nor end. Buq
Q. when
226 'the Grounds of
tvhen we fay that God is eternal, both a parte
ante^ and apartepoft^ we include under this No-
tion his Immutability, and affirm, that God is
free from all variation and change.
The fourth Attribute of God is his ImmenGty,
whereby he filleth all places : And therefore when
we fay that God is immenfe, we affirm that no
place can contain him, and that he is everywhere
prefent in all imaginable fpaces. And fo much
may fuffice for the explication of the firft fort of
Attributes.
The fecond fort of Attributes are fuch as be-
long to him as h"e is a living Being : And in fpeak-
ing of them, we are firft to confider his Life, 33
being the Foundation of all this kind of Attributes
and their Operations, without which he could
neither exift, nor aft as an intelligent Being, nor
be capable of Happinefs, which is contrary to the
Idea we have already framed of God.
The fecond Attribute of this fort isUnderftand-
ing, which may be diftinguifti'd into Knowledge
and Wifdom. The Objeft of the Divine Know-
ledge is every thing that is knowable, all things
that have been, are, or (hall be, all things
that are poffible and impoffible. When therefore
we fay that God is Omnifcient, we affirm that
God does, i. Know himfclf, and all his own in-
finite Perfe£lions. 2. That he knows all things
that are in himfelf, or from himfelf, or without
himfelf y within himfelf, as his Decrees ^ from
himfelf, as his external AQions of Creation, Pre-
fervation, C^c. without himfelf, as the Sins of
Men, ^c.
The Wifdom of God is that Perfe£lion in God,
whereby he foreknows and direfts the means
which he thinks fit for attaining a certain End,
which is either fubordinate, as the Redemption
of
the Anthers Con'verfion. lij
of Mankind, which he accompliih'd by the In-
carnation of his only Son, or ultimate, which is
the demonltration of his own Glory, to which all
other things are made fubfervient.
The third Attribute is the Divine Will, which
may be either conhder'd as the Faculty, or the
A£l of willing fuch and fuch things to be done,
for wife, juft and good ends ; Such are all the
Decrees ot God whereby he refolves within him-
felf to accomplifh certain ends, by fuch means
as conduce moft to his own Glory. And thefe
Decrees are either abfolute, as thofe oi the Crea-
tion, and fending his own Son into the World ^
or conditional, as the Decrees of faving Man-
kind^upon the conditions of Faith and Repentance.
In the Divine Will we may confider two kinds
of Attributes, whereof the firft is conceived after
the manner of the Affeftions we feel in our
felves •, the fecond is conceived after the manner
of the moral Vertues, which in us do govern the
AflFeftions.
Love in God is an AfFeftion whereby he de-
lights in that which is good, and in communica-
ting himfelf unto it, whence arifes Goodnefs.
This Love includes in it felf Grace, Mercy, ^c.
Hatred is that AfFeclion which is oppoiire to
Love, whereby God abhors every thing that is
evil.
Anger hath great affinity with Hatred, and in
tis it is an AfFe£lion whereby we keep oft any
thing that is evil from our felves, but in God it
fignifies his purpofe of puniHiing Evil doers.
The Jultice of God does perteftiy agree with
his Hoiinefs, and is that PerfeQion whereby he
always wills and does that which is good, holy,
juft and right, and this is calFd univerfal Juftice-,
but his particular Juftice is that which diltributes
Q. 2 to
S38 T/?e Grounds of
to every one what is due, or that whereby he
rewards the Good, and punifhes the Evil, and
fo it refpefls Man as fubje£t to the Law of
Nature.
This Juftice is temper'd with nnildnefsand long-
fufFering, which are thofe Perfedions in God that
reltrain his Anger againft Sinners , without great
and repeated provocations.
The Omnipotence of God is that Perfeftion
whereby he can do all things that do not imply
a contradiftion, and is fuch a Power as nothing
can refitt. The Glory of God is the Excellency
of the Divine Nature, whereby he infinitely ex-
ceeds all the Creatures. The Happinefs of God
is the refuk of all the Divine Perfeftions, in
which he cannot but take great complacency, and
fo they make him infinitely more happy by the
contemplation of them.
From what has been faid, we may mfer, That
Cnce God is a moft fimple Being, and his Attri-
butes are not really diftinguifh'd from one ano-
ther, his Aftions do not proceed from one Attri-
bute alone, but from an harmonious concuirenee
©f all his Attributes together.
SECT. IV.
Of God's End in Creating the World.
HAving thus (hewn the Exlftence of a God,
and prov'd him to be the Creator and Go-
vernour of all things, fo tar as was neceffary in
a matter fo clear and evident in it felfj I proceed
now
the Authors Con'verfion. 2 2^
now to conCder the End which God might pro-
pofe to himfelf in creating the World, which
muft te 'fuch as is fucable to h's own infinite Per-
fections : And feeing the Glory of God is the
refult of his molt excellent Nature, we cannoc
imagine, that he did propofe to himfelf any o*
ther End in all his Works, befides his own Glo-
ry. And this feems to me as clear as the Sun at
Noon-day. But if all the Creatures were made
for the Glory of God, then 'tis certain that every-
one of then? is bound to glorifie God in that fta*
tion wherein it was created ^ and fo we fay, that
the Heavens declare the Glory of God^ becaufe by
them we come to the knowledge of God ; But
Man being the moft perfe£l of all the vifihle
Creatures, and endowed with the moft excellent
Faculties, onght fo much the more to fhew forth
the Glory of God abpve all the other Creatures,
by how much he is more capable and adapted by
God to that end. And indeed the inanimate
Cr^eatures can only filently commend their Maker,
but it is the duty of Men to make their Praifes
vocal, and to declare the infinite Power, Wifdom
and Goodnefs of God, which plainly appear in
the Works of the Creation : And this is the great
End for which the faculties were given to him
by God \ for this end has he Eyes to fe.e, and an
\lnderftanding to perceive and apprehend the
wonderful Works of God ^ therefore has he a
Tongue given him to publifh thePraife that's due
to his moft excellent and bountiful Creator.
Whether therefore we confid^r the end for which
Man was created, or the many and great Bene?'
fits he has receiv'd from God , as the creating
bim of fuch an excellent Nature, his Preferva*
tion, ^c, he cannot but be fenfible that he is
Qrif^ly oblig'd \o worlhip and ferve him in fome
0,5 wa/
030 T^he Grounds of
way or other : For all Men will own, that' we
ought not only to remember our Benefaftors, but
to return them hearty thanks fu table to the great-
nefs of the Benefits we have receiv'd-.
SEC T. V.
Of the Necejpty of a Divine Ke'velation.
FIrft then, fince the divine Favours are fo great
and fo valuable, 'tis certain no Man can ren-
der the Donor of them any Worfliip and Service
equivalent to them.
2^//, Since God is a moft perfeft and fimple
Being, he will be worfhipp'd in a perfeft and
fimple manner ♦, but 'tis impoffible that Mankind
ihould now in its prefent ftate of Corruption,
unanimoufly agree in the true way of worfhip-
ping God, if it were left to their Invention ^ for
befides that the reafonof Men is infinitely vari-
ous, according to their different Tempers, Capa-
cities, prejudices of Education, L^V. Humane Na-
ture is fo much corrupted , and does daily fo far
degenerate more and more, that we find' by fad
experience, they can neither difcern the right man-
ner of worfliipping God, nor perform him pure
and acceptable Service.
Befides, fuppofing that Mankind could agree
in a certain Form of divine Service, and preferve
it found and entire, yet ftill this doubt would al-
ways remain , Whether fuch a Worfhip were ac°
ceptable to God or no ?* For whether we offer to
him Praifes or other Sacrifices, they all belong to
him
the Author s Con^verfioft. l^i
him ^s Lord of the whole Creation ; nay, if we
fhould lacrifice to him our Soul and Body, we
give him nothing but what we have received of
his free Bounty , and therefore we can never be
cercain that we are acceptable to him by any
thing we can do, or offering we can make. And
this is what Socrates laid of old, a little before
his Death : / have laboured all my lAJe-time^ cni
done what I could to render my felf acceptable to
God^ and yet ft ill I doubt whether I have pleased
him : As Regis relates in his Difcourfe of Fhilc^
fophy. From whence we may conclude, that
Mankind by Nature are fo much miftaken in
their Notions of God, and have fo 6r err'd from
the right way of worfhippinghim, being wholly
addifted to fenfible Things , that a Revelation
from God was abfolutely neceflary to teach them
the true Knowledge of God and of his Will,
particularly the manner of performing him ac-
ceptable Service; and therefore our infinitely
good and merciful God, taking pity of the na-
tural blindnefs of Mankind, was pleas'd of his
infinite Goodnefs to reveal his Will to them,
and the particular manner whereby he will be
worfliipp'd. And this Revelation being once
made, all Men to whom it is fufficiently pro-
pos'd, are bound ( as they hope for Salvation )
to keep the Commands of God, and obferve that
Form of divine Worfhip which he himfelf has
prefcrib'd ; Which obfervation of divine Worfliip
is that which is commonly calFd Religion.
But before we proceed to treat of Religion, it
may be neceflary to obferve, that becaufe Men
are ftiff-necked, and flow to believe divine Truths,
therefore left any (hould call in queftion the Re-
velation that comes from God , and take him for
an Impoftor whodeliver'd it, 'twas necdTary that
a^ it
23^ T^^ Grounds of
it (hould be confirm'd by certain Evidence, the
better to perfuade Men to believe that it came
froni God ^ and fo we find that the Chrittian
Religion was confirm'd by Miracles, or fuperna-
tural Signs at the time of its firft publication :
And becaufe cunning and ingenious Men may do
many things by their extraordinary Art and Skill,
which may £em to us miraculous when they
really are not, we fhall hereafter fhew how any
Man may difcern between a true Miracle, and
that which is pretended to be one. This being
premis'd, I (hall n9w fubjoyn,
SECT. VL
Of Religion in general.
Since God is a moft perfe£l Being, 'tis certain
that he cannot contradift himlelf, and efta-
blifti too contrary Religions, having different and
inconfiftent Obje£ls of Worfhip ^ and therefore
v;hen we fee lo many different Religion^ in the
Woild, we muft conclude that only one of thefe
Religions is true, and of divine Authority, and
that the reft are Humane Inventions, Frauds and
Forgeries : It concerns us therefore to enquire af-
ter the means whereby we may diftinguifli the true
Religion from the falfe.
Thefe means may be confider'd two ways, ei-
ther with refpe£t to the Evidence, or to the Ob-
left. We have already obferv'd, that the great
Evidence of the true Religion, are the Miracles
that were wrought for the confirmation of it ^
but
the Authors Conner fwn. 233
but that we may be able to difcern true Miracles
from thofe that are counterfeit, I fhall Iny down
the three chief Conditions which are requifite in
a true Miracle. The firit is, That he who works
a Miracle, fhould firft know that he is to work
it, and have a mind to do it. The fecond is.
That it be certainly known that the Miracle, or
Sign, was wrought, and that the efFeft of it be
obvious to our Senfes. The third. That the
Thing done be fuch as tranfcends all the power
of natural Caufes ^ which may be done two ways:
The firft is, when it fo far tranfcends all the
Powers of Nature, that it appears plainly im-
poffible to be wrought by them *, as the raifing
the dead to life again. The fecond is, when the
thing done is fuch as does not exceed the force
of natural Caufes, but the manner of doing it is
plainly fupernatural ^ as the curing of Difeafes
by a word fpeaking, without applying ai^y Ret
medy.
As to the Objea of true Religion, it ought to
refpefl the Glory of God, the publick Good, and
the private Good of every particular Man. And
thefe are the means which I think fufEcient for
difcerning a true Religion from that which is
falfe. For, i. As to Miracles, 'tis certain, that
God will not exert his Almighty Povyer to con-
firm a Lye, and juftifie an Impoftor. 2. As to
theObjea: of Religion, "'tis likewife certain, that
every Religion which is invented by a Deceiver,
is attended with fome abfurdity in its Dotlrinc
or Precepts, and contains in it fomefhing either
contrary to the divine Nature, or the Good and
Welfare of Mankind. If therefore we can dif-
cover fuch a Religion as has the above- menti-
oned Evidence and Objeft, we may fafely con-
clude that it is revealed by God •, but if it be
defeSive
^54 ^^^ Grounds of
defeftive in either of thefe two, we muft believe
that it is falfe.
SECT. VII.
Of the Chrijiian Religion in general^
and partiadarly of the Miracles
rproHght in confirmation of it.
TT would be an endlefs as well as ufelefs work,
X to run over all the Religions that are in the
World, that we maychoofe one from among them
which is eftablifli'd upon good Principles and fure
Foundations •, and therefore I fhall fingle out the
Chriftian Religion, as that which now feems to
me to be more excellent than the reft, and en-
deavour to prove , that it is founded upon the
cleareft and ftrongeft Evidence, that any rational
Man can defire. And this 1 hope will give full
fatisfaftion to the Reader of the following Dif-
courfe, if he be a Chriftian ^ and I defire him to
judge for himfelf in this cafe, by comparing his
own Religion with all the other Religions pro-
fefs'd in the World, and he will undoubtedly find
it to excel all the reft, for the reafonablenefs and
certainty of its Doftrines, and the holinefs and
goodneft of its Laws. But if the Reader be . a
Jew, a Turk, or Heathen, I hope he will take
the pains to compare his own Religion imparti-
ally with the Chriftian, and I doubt not he will
quickly perceive on which fide the advantage lies,
as to the evidence of Principles^ and goodnefs of
Precept?,
the Authors Con^v^rfion. q 3 5
Precepts. For, i. The Miracles of Chrift were
infinitely more numerous and greater than thofe
of Mofes •, and Mahomet never pretended to work
any Miracles for confirmation of his Religion,
but us'd the Sword only for its propagation 2
And as to the Pagans, the ftrange feats which
they pretend to, are either ridiculous and incre?
dible, or the Tricks and Forgeries of their Priefts^
which cannot endure a fair trial, as will appear
more fully hereafter. At prefent I (hall apply
my felf to the confideration of Chrift's Miracles,
and (hew that they have all rhe Charafterifticks
of true Miracles, and that they were undoubt-
edly wrought by him for the confirmation of
his Religion, when it was firft delivered in
Judaa,
And I. The Miracles of Chrifthave all the
three conditions above-mention'd which are re.-
quifite in true Miracles: For, i. Chrift knew
before-hand that he was to do his Miracles, and
freely chofe to work them in fome places, and
not in others, as appears from the Hiftory of his
Life, recorded by the Evangelifts. 2. He did not
work his Miracles in fecret places, or in a cor-
ner, butpublickly and openly, in the face of the
Sun, before great Multitudes of People, of all
forts, not only Friends but Enemies, and the
wonderful EfFe£ls of them were apparent to the
Senfes of all that were prefent ; And therefore
rnat fuch Miracles were wrought by him, is
own'd not only by Chriftians, but even by the
Jbws in their Talmud^ by Mahomet in his Alcd*'
ran^ and by many Pagan Authors, whofe Names
and Teftimonies may be hereafter mentioned. And
laftly. The Miracles of Chrift were fuch astranf-
cended all the Powers of natural Caufes ^ as, to
raife the dead to life ^ain, to give fight to the
blindj
2^6 The Grounds of
blind, hearing to the deaf, health to the fick,
without the ufe of any Medicine or natural
tjieans, that feem proper to cure thofe People ^
all which efFefts therefore muft needs proceed
from a fupernatural Power, and can be aftrib'd
to God only.
Tho' what has been faid may be thought fuffi-
cient, yet to convince all Men more fully of the
fupernatural force and energy that was confpicu-
ous in Chrift's Miracles, I (hall add the follow-
ing confiderations :
f/Vy?, That they were in a manner infinite for
number, fo that they cannot be particularly rec-
kon'd up -, for he went thro' all the Cities and
V'ilh^QSof fudaa^ curing all Difeafes, andheal'd
all that were pofiefs'd of the Devil : And the
Writers of his Life declare, that he wrought rpa-
ny other Miracles befides thofe which are men-
tion'd in their Hiftory.
2d/y^ That they extended univerfally to all
forts of Creatures, over which he ftiew'd an ab-
folute Dominion, by the miraculoos efFefts he
produced ^ as over Devils, by driving them out
of Men that were poflefs'd with them ^ over the
Winds and Seas, by allaying the Storm and Tern-
peft at hisComniand J over the Fifhesand Loaves,
by multiplying a few of them to fuch a prodigious
quantity as was fufficient to feed five thoufand •,
over the Swine, by fuffcring the Devils to enter
into them, and drive them headlong into the Sea 5
over the Fig-tree, by blading it with his Word 5
over the Water, by changing it into Wine ^ over
all forts of Difeafes, by hpaljng of them ^ and
laftly, over Death it fclf, by laifing the dead to
life again.
^d/y^ The Miracles of Chrift produc'd fuch ef-
fefts as were not tranfient but permanent : For the
Dead
the Author s Cori'verfion. ^237
Dead being rais'd to Life, continu'd to live •, the
Blind having received their Sight, continued to
fee % the Lepers being cleans'd, continu'd clean :
Add all thele things were done in the prefence of
many, who faw and obferv'd the wonderful
change that was wrought.
^thly^ All the Miracles of Chill (but two) were
Miracles of great Mercy and Goodnefs as well as
Power •, as the healing of Difeafes, the raifing
the dead to life again, ^c. I fay, except two^
which were his fending the Devils into the Herd
of Swine, and the curfing of the Fig-Tree : And
thefe ferv'd to (hew his abfolute dominion over
Plants and Animals.
5/^/k, All the Miracles of Chrift, even thofe
that require the greateft Power and Energy, were
tvrought by a Word fpeaking. After Lazarus
had lain three Days in the Grave, he did but fay
to him, Come fcrth^ and immediately he arofe,
with all his Grave cloaths upon him : He did but
take the Ruler's Daughter by the Hand, and fay
unto her, Maid^ arife ^ and prefently her Spirit
came again, and fhe arofe ftraightway. He had
fuch a divine commanding Power over all natural
Caufes, that he cur'd the moft defperate Difea-
fes, even at a diftance, by fpeaking a few Words,
Thus he cur'd the Nobleman's Son, when he was
at the point of death, by faying, Thy Son Iweth-y
and the Centurion's Servant, by faying, As thou
haft believed^ fo be it unto thee : Nay, the difeafed
Woman that followed him in a Croud, was cur'd
by touching the Hem of his Garment, becaufe (he
believ'd. All thefe Miracles he wrought without
ufing means •, and when he applied iome means,
they were fuch as were naturally unfit to produce
the efFeft intended : As when he cur'd the Man
born blind, byfpittingon the Ground, and mak-
ir^g
a 58 The Grounds of
ing Clay of his Spittle, and anointing his Eyes
with it, fending him to the Pool of Si/oam ^ and>
the performing this Cure by fuch unfit means,
was no lefs an argument of his divine Power in
working the Miracle, than if he had us'd no
means at all.
6/^/y, Chrift had not only this Power in him*
felf of working Miracles, but he difpos'd of that
Power to his Apoftles, who wrought many Signs
and Wonders in his Name : So St. Peter cur'd the
lame Man, by commanding him, in the Name of
Jefus, to rife up and walk ^ a Miracle that was
notorioufly known to all that dwelt at Jerufalem^
and whicn the Ruler's of the Jews could not de-
ny, tho' they were malicious Enemies to the Apo-
ftles. Nay, the Dead were raifed by them, Ta-
ihha by St.P^r^r, and Eutycbus by St, Paul -^ and
Handkerchiefs and Napkins obtain'd the virtue of
doing mighty Cures, by being fent from the Apo-
ftles Hands ^ and St. F^/^;-'s Shadow heal'd all that
wereaffiiQed with evil Spirits throughout all J^-
rufalem^ and all the Cities round about it, as we
read in the AUs of the Apoftles, This was a wonder-
ful demonftration of the divine Power in Chrift,
that he could communicate the Gift of Miracles to
his Difciples ^ as it was of his divine Prefcience,
that he foretold a thing fo ftrange, which re-
quir'd an Almighty Power to accomplifh, by af-
luring thofe that believed in him , that they
(hould out-do the many Miracles he himfelf had
wrought •, both which were his peculiar Preroga-
tives, whereby he exccird the firlt Founders of all
the other iveligions in the World, who never pre-
tended to the Power of beltowing the Gift of
Miracles upon their Difciples, or to foretel the
working of them.
ythly, The
the Author s Con^verjion* 939
7/&/y, The Apoftles, after they received their
Commiffion from Chrilt to preach the Gofpel tq
all Nations, wrought Miracles not only in Jeru*
falem^ and the Land of Judaa^ but in Samaria^
Phenice^ Cyprus^ Antioch^ Ephe/us^ and many
other Cities and Countries through which the
Apoftles traveird for planting the Chriftian Faith,
in all which places God confirm'd the Word of his
Grace, by doing Signs and Wonders bv the Apo-
files Hands, as we read in the A^s of the Apoftles ^^
and St. Faul afTures us, that from Jerufalem
round about unto lllyricum^ the Gofpel had been
preach'd by him with mighty Signs and Won-
ders : Nay, fo univerfally fpread was the Fame
of the Apoftles Doctrine and Miracles, " that
" their Sound went into all the Earth, and their
" Words unto the ends of the World : for not
only the Jews,^ but Gentiles^ the Romans^ Corirt"
thians^ and fome of all the moft famous Countries
then known, were converted to the Chriftian
Faith, by the Preaching and Miracles of the Apo-
ftles, who could all reftifie that they faw fuch
mighty Works done hy them, as convinced them
that their Doftrine was from God : So that this
Evidence was not only publickly, but univerfally
known.
Mly^ This Gift of Miracles was not confin'd
to the Days of the Apoftles, but was continu'd
in the Chriftian Church for the firft three Centu-
ries, as appears from the Writings of Iren^us^
Ongen^ Tertull'ian^ and other primitive Chrifti-,
ans, who relate innumerable Inftances of this mi-
raculous Power in the fecond and third Ages of
the Church, and appeal for the truth of their
Relations to the Heathens who liv'd in thofe
Times. And of its continuance in rhs fourth
Century, Eujehius^ Cynl^ and Aujlin^ are fuSi-
cient
^4^ ^^^ (^^onnds of
cient Witnefles^ all which are cited in feveral
late Writers, to whom I refer the Reader. And
fome of the Miracles wrought in thefe Ages, are
not only teftified by Chrittians, but alfo by Hea-
thens ^ for Marcus Aurelius himfelf teftified pub-
lickly in his Letters to the Senate, the Miracle
that was wrought at his Battel with the Marco-
manni^ when the Chriftian Soldiers obtain'd by
their Prayers a refrefliing Shower to the Koman
Army diftrefs'd for Water; while at the fame
time the Forces of the Barbarians were over-
whelmed with Hail and Thunder. It appears to
be a thing fo commonly known, that it is men-
tioned by the Poet Claudiart^ in 6 Conf, Hon.
Chald^a magofeu carmina ritu
Armavere Deos^ feu quod reor omne Tonantk
Ohfequium Marci mores potuere merer L
And the Prodigy by which Theodoftus crufh'd
the Rebellion of Eugenius and Arbegdftes , is
alfo mentioned by the fame Poetj in thefe
Words :
0 n'mium dileUe Deo^ cuifundlt ab antris
JEolus armatas hyemes^ ^ mil'itat ather^
Et conjurati veniunt in clajjica vehti»
Claud, de 3 Conf.Hon.
Porphyry confefles, that wonderful Cures were
done at the T>,mbs of Chriftian Martyrs, Hier.
adv. Vigilant, c, 4. And that the Heathen Gods
could give no help to Men, after that Jefus be-
gan to be worfliipped, Eujeb, lib, 5;. prap. Evang.
And ilp^//(?deular'd from the Oracle, that certain
juft Men. VIZ, the Chriftians, hinder'd him from
foretelling the truth , EuJeL de Vit. Conflant,
And
the Authors Com^erfion. 241
And the Oracle at Delphos confefs'd, that he
could give no Refponfes, becaufe Babylas^ the
Martyr's Bones, were bury'd near him, as is re-
lated by Chryjoft. Orat. 2. in Babylam. In fine, ic
was a thing lo commonly known and taken no-
tice of in the firft Ages of Chriftianity, that the
Heathen Oracles were ftruck dumb ^ that Plu-
tarch wrote a Book concerning the reafon why
the Oracles ceas'd. And hence it appears, that
this power of working Miracles was continu'd in
the Chriftian Church for the firlt four Centuries •,
which adds great ftrength and force to the Evi-
dence, as being atteited by fuch a vatt Cloud
of Witneffes as liv'd in that large compafs of
time.
To conclude, 1 muft defire the Readet to take
notice, that the force of this Argument confifts
chiefly in thefe three things : i. That if fuch
Works were really performed, they were true and
proper Miracles, fuch as could only be done by
the Almighty Power of God. 2. That we have
fufficient aflurance that thefe Miracles were
wrought by Chriit and his Apoftles, and the other
Difciples, to whom they are afcrib'd by thofe
that relate them. 3. That thefe mighty Works
were done in confirmation of the Chriltian Re-
ligion.
I. That the wonderful Works pretended to be
done by Chritt and his Apoftles were true and
real Miracles, fuch as could only be wrought by
an Almighty Power, will appear by confidering,
I. That they could nor be perform'd by the moit
improv'd Arts and Skill of Men, or by any jug-
gling Tricks and Frauds. To cure all Difeafes,
and raife the dead to life again, by j word fpeak-
ing, are too great and mighty Works for humane.
Power and Skill in the higheft improvement^
R thev
2A2 'the Grotwds of
they cannot cure Difeafes without the applica-
tion of fome proper Medicines ^ they cannot com-
mand a dead Carcafe to rife out of the Grave,
and rettore the Life and Soul to it again, after
it has been dead three days. Thefe things appear
fb plainly inripolfible to the natural Powers of
Mankind, that as it were ridiculous for any Man
to affert the contrary, fo it were needlefs to con-
fute them. But neither can they be done by the
tricks of Jugglers and Conjurers, who cheat and
gull the People with the counterfeit appearance
of wonderful Feats, which they perform by un-
heeded caufes, and fecret ways of aSing •, for
there could be no trick us'd in molt of thofe Mi-
racles which were wrought •, as, in raifing Laza-
Tits from the dead, after he had lain three days
m the Grave, before many Spectators who knew
that he was dead, and that the fame Lazarus
was now rais'd again •, and it is altogether incre-
dible, that a Cheat of this nature fhould be car-
ried on through fo many inftances, for fo long
a time, and that none of the great numbers that
were concerned in the contrivance, nor of the
Speflators, many of whom were Jews and Hea-
thens, fhould difcover the Cheat, efpe-cially con-
fidering that the Contrivers could ferve no world-
ly end by impoficg upon the World ^ but on the
contrary they met with Bonds and Death for this
pretended Trick •, and many of the Spefta tors be-
ing learned and ingenious Men, of a contrary
Religion, >vere fufficiently able and ftrongly in-
clined to have difcoverd the Cheat (if there had
been any) which yet was never done^ and there-
fore we may certainly, conclude, that the Mi-
racles were nor wrought by juggling Tricks^
2: Seeing
the Authors Converfion. 245
2. Seeing thefe wonderful Works could not be
done by the Power or Artifice of Men, they mull
be either wrought by the Power of created Spi-
rits, or the Almighty Power of God : But that
they were not wrought by the Power of any crea-
ted Spirits, will appear by confidering, that rhey
muft either be done by good Angels or evil Spi-
rits : As to good Angels ( befides that many of
the Works afbre-mention'd appear to be above
the power of any Creature, as we (hall (hew
prefently ) I (hall only obferve, that if they had
been done by good Angels, this would be a de-
monftration of the truth of Chri(t's Revelation,
no lefs than if they were wrought by a power
inherent in himfelf ^ for the good Angels are the
Minifters of the heavenly Kingdom, and are fup-
pofed always to do the Will of God, and defign
the welfare of Mankind. And it is utterly in-
conliftent with all the Notions we have of them,
that they fhould contribute fuch a mighty afli-
ftance to delude the World with a falfeDoftrine^
and to perfuade fo many thoufand of its Preach-
ers and Profeffors to endure the greateit Miferies,
and moil painful Deaths in this World, without
any hopes of a future reward in another Life for
their prefent Sufferings ; Such a wicked Impo-
fture is agreeable only to the Falftood and Ma-
lice of evil Spirits ^ and this indeed is the iaft
refuge and ftronghold of Infidels , who denying
the truth of Chrilt's Revelation, afcribe his won-
derful Works to the power of wicked Spirits,
with whom, they fay, he was confederate. So
did the Jews in his own time •, for when the Pha-
rifees heard of his healing oae Blind and Dumb,
who was poflTefs'd with a Devil, they fa id, Thi^
Yellow does not cafi out Devils^ but by Beelzebub
the Prince of Devils^ Matth. 12, 24. / e. He does
R 2 It
a 44 ^'"^^ Grounds of
it by a confederacy with evil Spirits. Againfl:
which pretence Chrift himfelf argues very ftrong*
ly in the following Verfes, Every Kingdom divi-
ded againfl it felf is brought to defolation.
And if Satan cajf out Satan^ he is divided againjl
-himfelf^ how /ball then his Kingdom fi and ? The
meaning of which Argument is this. That he who
oppofes Devils and unclean Spirits, and drives
them by force from the quiet poffeffion they
have enjoy'd of Mens Bodies, cannot be fuppos'd
to act by Collufion and Confederacy with them,
but muft be an Enemy to them and their Defigns;
for the Devil cannot be thought to joyn with
another to difgrace himfelf, to defeat his own
Defigns, and ruine his Kingdom : Which ap-
peared plainly to be the defign of Chrift, wha
went about doing gcod^ and healing all that were
opprefs'd of the Devil : For he being a mali-
cious Spirit, who delights in the Mifery and
Ruine of Mankind, exercis'd a Dominion over
the Bodies he poffefsM, infilling upon them fe-
deral Difeafes, and depriving them of the ufe of
their Senfes, that he might keep them in fub-
je£tion to him, and maintain his Kingdom in the
World : But, i. Chrift by difpoffeffing the De-
vils of Mens Bodies, and healing the Difeafes
they had infliQed, deftroy'd their Dominion, and
Tuin'd their defigns of mifchief againft Mankind,
which cannot be fuppos'd to be done by the De-
vil's concurrence, but muft be the work of one
that is an Enemy to him. 2. Our Saviour argues,
that it mutt not only be the force of an Enemy,
but a force fuperiour to the power of the Devil,
V, 29. of the faid 12'^ Chapter of Matthew,
How can one enter into a Jlrong Man's Houfe^
and fpoil hps Goods ^ except he Jirfl bind the Jirong
Man. and then he will J'poil hn Houfe. i. e. the
Devil
the Authors Cowverfton. 245
Devil having a quiet pofTcflion of Men's Bodies,
will hold it until he is forc'd to quit it ^ and he
cannot be fotc'd to leave it, but by a power fu-
periour to his own, which can conquer and over-
come him. 3. The Miracles of Chrllt were (for
the moft part) Miracles of Mercy and Goodnefs
to Mankind, whereby he fed the hungry, cur'd
the fick, and rais'd the dead to life ^ and fo the/
were dire£lly contrary to the temper and defigns
of the Devil, who feeks by all means the Milery
and deItru£Vion of Mankind •, as appears plainly
in thofe idolatrous Countries, where he requires
the facrificing of many thoufands of Children eve-
ry Year to fatiate his Cruelty, and therefore he
cannot he fuppos'd to contribute to the good and
merciful delign of Chrift's Miracles, which was
fo contrary to his malicious and cruel temper.
4. The Miracles of Chrift were wrought to con*
firm his Do£lrine, which tended directly to the
overthrow of the Devifs Kingdom: For the Son
of God was ma/!ifejled to dejiroy the Works of the
Devil: Which he did efFeclually by turning Men
from all their idolatrous praftices, to worfhip the
only true and living God, and from all thofe un-
clean Lufts which reigned without controul 3-
mong the Gentiles, to a Life of the greateft Pu-
rity and Holinefs : For the great defign of the
Devil was to withdraw Mens Hearts from the
true God, and their dependence upon him, to
put their truft in Idols, and to draw to himfelf,
and fuch like wicked Spirits, all that Worfhip
and Adoration which is the peculiar Glory of
God, whereby he gain'd an abfolute Dominion
over the Souls of Men, making them do thatHo^
mage to himfelf, which was only due to their
natural Lord and Maker, as Jie cjid over their
Bodies, by alluring them to thofe vile Lults,
1 R 9 • which
^4^ T^f^^ Grounds of
which eftrange their Minds from God, and make
them fit receptacles for unclean Spirits. And in
thcfe two things the Kingdom of the Devil did
chiefly confift : But by the preaching of the Do-
£lrine of Chrift, this Kingdom of Darknefs was
fubverted, his Altars were deferred, his Temples
demolifh'd, and all Men were taught every-where
to worfhip the true God, in Spirit and in Truth,
and to abhor thofe obfcene Rites which fome of
the Gentiles made a part of their Religion. See-
ing therefore that by the Doftrine of Chrift Men
were turn'd from t)arknefs to Lights and from
the Power of Satan to God^ thofe wonderful works
could not be wrought by the power of evil Spi-
rits, which confirmed fuch a DoQrine as was di-
reftly contrary to the defign, and did efFeftually
overthrow the Kingdom of Darknefs. And this
I think may be fufficlent to Ihew, that the Mi-
racles of Chrift were not wrought by the power
of evil Spirits, as the Pharifees alledg'd againft
him. But becaufe the fame pretence has been
made ufe of not only by Jews, but Heathens, a-
gainft all the Miracles which were done by Chrift,
or his Apoftles, or the primitive Chriftians in the
firtt four Centuries, which are afcrib'd to Magi-
cal or Egyptian Ari:s, to Inchantments, or the
ftrange power of Words, I fay, becaufe the fame
pretence has been made ufe of againft all other
Miracles done by any Chriftians (for thefe magi-
cal Arts, whatever they be, muft fignifie a fecret
correfpondence with, and concurrence of evil Spi-
rits, or elfe they fignifie nothing diftinft from the
power and skill of Men ) I Ihall therefore add
two or three confiderations relating to all the
Miracles in general, which were wrought for
confirmation of the truth of the Chriftian Do-
Qrine. And I. The Miracles of Chrift and his
Apoftles
the Author s Con'verfion. S47
Apoftles were fo many, fo great, done fo pub-
lickly and univerfally, through fo many feveral
Countries, and the power o[ working them was
continued lo long in the Chriltian Church, fhat
it is altogether incredible they fhould be done by
magical Arts, or the power of evil Spirits -^ for
who can believe thar fuch a valt number of migh-
ty Works, for the fpace of four Centuries, as
were done in confirmation of the Chriftian Re-
ligion, (hould be done by the power of evil Spi-
rits, when the like was never pretended to be done
to confirm any other Religion that ever appear'd
in the World : What account can be given why
evil Spirits fhould be fo mightily concerned to
propagate theChrilJian Religion, above all the
other Religions in the World > Was it not at
leaft as much, and apparently more for the In-
tereft of their Kingdom of Darknefs, to promote
the idolatrous Praftices, the filthy and obfcene,
the barbarous and cruel Rites of Pagan Religions,
than to promote the Worfhip of one only fu-
preme God, and the Purity and Gentlenefs which
is prefcrib'd by the Chriitian Inftitution. 'Tis
true indeed, there are forne Miracles pretended
to be wrought by Pagan Priefts in conficmation
of their Religion, the truth of which pretence I
fhall not now enquire into-, but they never pre-
tended, fo far as I could ever learn, that they
wrought fo many and fo great Miracles, fo pub-
lickly in To rqany feveral Countries, as Chrift
and his Apoftles are faid to have done, or that
they could communicate the power of working
Miracles to their Difciples, and tranfmit it for
feveral Ages to their SuccefTors, as has been done
for confirmation of the Chriftian Religion ^ and
it appears to me altogether unaccountable, v^hy
the Chriftian (hould lb far exceed all other Re-
R 4 ^'^'^^
248 The Grounds of
Ijgions in this point of Evidence, if thefe
Miracles were wrought by the power of evil
Spirits. If Chrift learn'd his Magical Art in
Egypr, and taught it to his Difciples, whereby
they were enabled to work Miracles, as many
both Jews and Heathens have ailedg'd, how comes
it to pafs that others who have been there could
never atrain to the fame Art, or teach it to
others? Or, why do not the Egyptians xhtm-
felves, who are the great Matters of that Magi-
cal Art, fhew their skill in it, by doing fo many
and fo great Miracles as they taught Chrift to
do ? But fince neither they have ever done, nor
any other from them could ever learn the Art of
doing fuch inigbty Works, fo far as has hitherto
appeared to the World, we may fafely conclude
that this pretence is a groundlefs and incredible
furmift. Befides, if Chrift inftrufted his Apo-
ftlesin thefe Magical Arts, they muft believe and
know him to be an Impoftor : And who then
can imagine that ever any Men in their found
Senfes fnould be willing to facrifice their Lives
and Fortunes for the fake of a vile Forgery, as
the Apoftles did, when they might have laved
them by detefting the Impoftor ?
2. There are feveral Miracles attributed to
Chrift and his Apoftles, which feem to be above
the power of evil Spirits. But fuppofing it were
poflible for them to do all thefe Miracles 5 yet
being fubjeft to the Government of God , the
great Ciearor and Governour of all things vifible
and invifible, they could not do them without his
leave and permiilion, which we cannot believe
that he would grant, becaufe it appears to be in-
conliftent with his infinite Goodnefs to permit
evil Spirits to work fo many and great Miracles
on purpofe to delude the World with a Lye, and
thereby
the Author sCoti'verfior?. 2^^
thereby expofe Mankind tt> an invincible Tempta-
tion to believe it. 'Tis true indeed, other Religions
have pretended to Miracles wrought in confirma-
tion of them •, but befides that they were neither
fo many, nor fo great, as thofe done by Chri-
ftians ^ there was always fome means left for dif-
covering the Impoftor, either by the multitude of
Gods which they worfhipped, contrary to the
Unity of the Godhead, which may be known, as
has been prov'd, by natural Reafon, or by the
filthy and obfcene, the barbarous and cruel Pra-
ftices they enjoyn'd, which are plainly contrary
to the natural notions we have of God, and of
Virtue and Vice ^ and it wasjaft with God to give
them up to ftrong Delufions, that they fhould be-
lieve a Lye, becaufe that when they knew God,
or might have known him by the Works of Crea-
tion, they did not glorijie him as God^ but wor-
Jhipp*d the Creature 7nore than the Creator^ and
allow'd themfelves in fuch unclean and cruel
Rites as are contrary to rhe natural notions of the
divine Purity and Goodnefs ^ and we are certain
that fuch a Religion cannot be from God, tho^
it be coniirm'd by Signs and Wonders, But when
the Chriflian Religion commands the Worfhip
of one God only, and enjoins no Practice but
what is pure, juft, and gentle, (as will appear in
the next Chapter) if God (hould be pleas'd to
permit fuch a Religion to be confirm'd by evil
Spirits doing more and greater Miracles than
ever were wrought for proof of any other Reli-
gion in the World, every one muft think himfelf
oblig'd to belive it to be from God ^ becaufe there
is noway left to difcoverfuch a Religion, having
fjch ftrong Evidence, to be an Impoftor. And
therefore, fince it is inconfiftent with the Good-
nefs of God to ofFef fugh 3 violent Temptation
to
Q^o The Grounds of
to Mankind to believe a Lye, we mud conclude
that he will never fufFer evil Spirits to work
fo many and great Miracles in confirmation
of it.
Bat befides the Miracles which Chrift himfelf
wrought here on Earth, there were feveral illuft-
ftrious Teftimonies given to him from Heaven,
which I (hall but briefly mention, as a farther
confirmation of his being aflilted by a divine
Power in the Miracles which he wrought. Of
this nature was the Star which conduced the
Wife-men from the Eaft to Bethlehem^ where he
was born-, the frequent Apparitions of Angels to
minifter unto him at his Conception and Birth,
at his Temptation in the Wildernefs, in his Ago-
ny, at his Refurreftion and Afcenfion into Hea-
ven •, fuch were the Voices that were heard from
Heaven, teftifying that he was the beloved Son
of God j at his Baptifm, when John the Baptili
faw the Heavens open'd, and the Spirit of God
defcending like a Dove, and lighting upon him ^
at his Transfiguration, when a bright Cloud
overfhadow'd him and two of his Difciples,
Teter and John - and again, in his Agony, when
Chrift faid. Father^ glorifie thy Name ^ and a
Voice was heard from Heaven, / have both glori-
fied it^ and will glorifie it again : Of the fame na-
ture were the Miracles and Prodigies that acconi-
panied his death on the Crofs, both in Heaven
and Earth, when there was Darknefs over all the
Earth from the fixth Hour to the ninth, when
the Veil of the Temple was rent in twain, and
the Earth did quake, and the Rocks rent, and
the Graves were open'd, and many Bodies of
Saints which flept arofe and came out of the
Graves after his Refurreftion, and went into the
Holy City , and appear'4 unto many •, which
Signs
the Authors Conner [ton. ol^\
Signs fo aftonifh'd the Centurion and the Roman
Soldiers that watch'd him, that they were forc'd
to confefs, Truly this was the Son of God^ cer-
ta'inly this was a righteous Man. And indeed,
all thefe Miracles were fo many divine Attefta-
tions of his miffion from God, and that he was
the peculiar Favourite of Heaven, whom God was
pleafed fo far to honour •, for as 'tis certain no
humane power and skill could perform or coun-
terfeit fuch Signs from Heaven, fo neither is it
conceivable that evil Spirits either could or would
give fo many glorious Teftimonies to him. But
to conclude •, The Miracles wrought by Chrift
and his Apoftles, and thofe that were done by a
fuperiour invifible power in atteftation of him,
were fo many and fo great, and extended to fo
many Creatures both in Heaven and Earth, that
none but He, who had an univerfal and abfolute
Dominion over all the Works of Nature, could
perform them •, and therefore they were above the
power of evil Spirits, and could only be done by
the Almighty power of God, the great Creator
and Governor of all things.
II. Having thus demonftrated, that the Mira-
cles which we believe Jefus did had all the con-
ditions of true Miracles, and were fuch that no
power but that of Almighty God could effeft ^ our
next bufinefs is to prove, that Chrift did really
work fuch Miracles-, and this from the following
Confiderations will plainly appear.
1. The Miracles of our Saviour were not like
Tranfubflantiation , and others of the Roman
Church, which are the obje£ls oj faith oniy^ but
they were plain objects of our Senfes^ every body
prefenc could fee them •, they were not done in a
corner, pr in a particular fecret place, but pub^
lickly.
2t2 The Grounds of
lickly, before the Face of the Sun ^ fo that it
can never be faid that thefe Demonftrations
of Omnipotency were fubcle Deceits and Im-
poftors.
2. We have a conftant Tradition of Chrift's
Miracles from the Apoftles, through all Ages of
Chriftianity, even until now ^ the Hiftory of them
has been always the fame, and never was or can
be contradifted.
3. Thefe Miracles are not only acknowledged
by the Chriftians, but by their greateft Enemies :
For even the fews^ amongft other things which
they relate of Chrift , in their Talmud , make
mention of his Miracles alfo. The Turks- in
their Alcoran have recorded fome of Chrift's Mi*
racles -, his Refurreftion is commonly believed
amongft them \ they look upon him as a great
Prophet, and as fuch profefs a profound Venera-
tion for him. Lajily^ Several of the Jewijh^
Mahometan^ and Heathen Writers, frequently
mention Chrift's Miracles •, this the whole Chri-
ftian World knows better than I my felf, I (hall
not therefore now trouble you with particular
Quotations out of thefe Authors.
4. But fuppofing that we had not all thefe Te-
ftimonies of Chrift's Enemies to prove his Mira-
cles, yet that of the Apoftles and Evangelifts
would be abundantly fufRcient, as we fhall more
clearly fhew hereafter : For they had not the leaft
profpeft of any temporal advantage by publilhing
thele things ^ on the contrary, they exafperated
the Powers of the World by it, and with their
Blood feaFd the Do£trines they had taught : This
furely is a valid Proof that the Miracles rela-
ted in the Life of Chrift, w^re really done by
hinnu
III. That
the Anthors Con<verfton. 05 3
in. That our Saviour wrought thefe Miracles
in confirmation of his Religion, appears from
what he faid to the Difciples of John when
they came and asked him whether he was the
'Ee;;^o/ji^®', or he that is to come •, he anfwered.
Go and tell John what ye have feen^ &c. And
from what he had faid to the Jews^ if you will
not believe me^ at leaft believe the works I do in
the name of rny father. There are many other
places in holy Scripture which fhew that the
principal end of Chrift's Miracles was to confirm
his Doftrine.
SECT. VIIL
Of the ObjeB of Chrifiian Religion.
THE Evidences for the Chriftian Religion
being thus produced and examined, we come
next to the Obje^i of it. We have already af-
ferted, that the true Religion mult have for its
Objeft, I. Above all things, the Hpnour and
Glory of God. 2. The univerfal Happinefs of
Mankind. 3, The Good of every Man in parti-
cular. For the clearer underltanding of this, we
(hall divide the Chriftian Religion, i. Into the
Credenda^ or v;hat a Chrifiian ought to believe.
2 The Agenda^ or the Precepts he (hould pra-
ftice ^ and if we find both thefe Parts of Chri^
IVian Religion have the afcrefaid Objeft, we may
lately conclude it is the true Religion. My de-
fign ( as I have intimated elfevvhere } is not to
run
2^/^ The Grounds of
run over and repeat the Principles of all Reli-
gions, but only to demonftrate the Excellency of
the Chriftian by its Objea, well knowing that
all other Religions fall infinitely fhott of it.
I. As to its Credenda. It is true there are but
few Nations which do not believe one Supreme
Being ^ but how grofly are they miftaken in their
notion of him ? Some rob him of his chiefeft
Attributes : Some reprefent him fubjett to almoft
all the Paflions of humane Nature ^ and this leads
them into fuch weak and pernicious Principles
and Praftices, that Men (of common Sence) of
contrary Opinions, are afham'd to hear of ^ but
the Chriftian Religion teacheth not only God's
Exiftence, but his Attributes alfo in the higheft
perfection that our Underftanding is capable to
bear. Whereas other Religions adore a plurality
of Gods, this teacheth to worfhip one God in
Unity : Some make him Material, this an incom-
prehenfible Spirit. Some again deny his Provi-
dence, or foaffert his Sublimity, that he neglefts
fublunary things, as matters much beneath his
Government ; But the Chriftian Religion teach-
eth us, that his Providence is Omniprefent, and
affures us of his great Love and tender Care over
all his Creatures. Infhorr, his Good nefs, Mercy,
Long-fuffering, Juftice, his infinite Power, Wif-
dom, Holinels, &c, are plainly preach'd and de-
monftrated by Jefus the Aurhor of the Chriftian
Religion. What a miferable ftate then are thofein
who deny the Providence of God } They are Men
without Faitti, without Hope-, are they groaning
under AfBiQions } they dare not call upon him
for Deliverance ! Are they in their laft Agonies,
where can be their Truft and Confidence > But
we are taught that this God is the Creator, Pre-
ferver, and Governour of all things ^ we know
he
the Author s Con^verfion. 25^
he obferveth all our A£tions, and this makes us
mindful of our duty ^ we are fure that he giveth
us the Fruits of the Earth, Succefs, Honour, Life,
Health, Children, and all other Bleffings, and
this obligeth us to be thankful to that infinite
Goodnefs which beftow'd them upon us : We
believe he orders all Events, as Difeafes, death
of Friends, CrofFes and Affliftions ^ this (hews us
the great Mercy of God, who fcourgeth and pu-
nifheth us that we may Repent and return to our
Obedience. Other Religions indeed oblige Men
to confefs the Frailty of their Nature, to acknow-
ledge the Crimes they daily commit, and the
Evils to which they are enclin'd ^ yet it gives
them no other Remedies for the appealing the
Juftice of an angry God, but the Sacrifices of
Beafts and of Men. But, blefled be God, it is not
fo with us ^ we know we are Sinners, but we
are confident that the God of infinite Mercy will,
upon Repentance, forgive us all our Trefpafies
for the fake of Jefus Cbrift his beloved Son, who
died for our Sins, rofe again forour Juftification,
and afcended into Heaven, to be our Advocate,
Mediator, and Interceflbr with the Father: This
is the greateft Confolation Man can wifh •, for
whilft others are concern'd to appeafe their God
by an infinite multitude of Sacrifices, and thefe
attended with fo great a number of Ceremonies,
Chriftians enjoy a perfe£l Tranquillity and Free-
dom, relying entirely upon God's infinite Mercy,
praifing, extolling, and magnifying it without
end. Yet this is not all that God hath done for
us 5 he hath not only fent his Son to be an Ex-
piation for our Sins, but alfo to be our Prophet
and Teacher, to inftruft us in the Will of his Fa-
ther, by preaching publickly in the Synagogues
of the f^zvs, and efpecially to thofe whom he
had
2ti6 T^f^^ Grottnds of
had chofen to be Witnefles of his Life and Do-
£lrine ^ and after the time of his Miflion was ex-
pir'd, and he afcended into Heaven, he fent the
Holy Gholt, the Comforter, to affift them in plant-
ing the Religion he left with them ^ beltow'd
the Gift of Miracles upon them to confirm it •,
and for the better propagation of ir, he eftablifh'd
a Communion and Congregation of Saints, into
which all Men may be introduced who repent
and have Faith. Laftly, He has left two Seals of
the Covenant, viz. the Sacraments in his Church,
by which he conveys his Graces and Bleffings to
us. Thefe, and more, are the wonderful Works
of the infinite Goodnefs and Mercy of God ^
which when we refleft upon, we cannot but fay
with the Pfa/mifl^ What is Man^ 0 Lord! that,
thou, art mindful ofhim^ gtc. This I think fuffi-
cient to fhew how much the Credenda of the
Chriftian Religion are for the Honour and Glory
of God, the univerfal Happinefs of Mankind, and
the Good of every Man in particular.
2. The Agenda^ or Precepts which a Chriftian
ought to praftife, are no lefs for the Honour and
Glory of God , C^r. That they far excel the
Rules of all other Religions, there can be no
difpute. The Jews indeed have the Decalogue,
or Ten Commandments, as well as we •, but how
ftriftly do they interpret them ? And how far
has Chrift extended them ? The Jews think if
they are not Idolaters, or Blafphemers, if they
obferve the Sabbath by not doing any manner of
Work, if they honour Father and Mother, if they
do not Murther, Steal, commit Adultery, bear
falfe Witnefs, or are not covetous ^ if they ob-
ferve the Ceremonies and Feftivals which the
Law prefcribeth, and abftain from the feveral
meats ic forbiddeth, then they think they have
done
the Authors Con<zferfwn. 357
done their Duty, and that God is obliged to give
thena the promifed Reward. But the Precepts of
the Chriftian Religion extend yet farther, as we
Ihall prefently fhew.
God forbid the Pagan Religion (hould any Ways
be compared to the Chriftian, which is fo far
from glorifying God, that the Honour which is
only due to the Creatot It giveth to the Creature,
arid teacheth Men to worfhip Idols , the Sun,
Moon, and Stars, riay (for Fear) the very Devils^
and to lacrifice their very Children to fhem •, it
obligeth its Devotees to the utmoft Cruelty td
their own Bodies, under the notion of Holinefti
and Merit ^ it allows, even prefcribes, the Impu-
rity of Polygamy, and other Uncleannefs : In a
word, inftead of bringing Men to that degree of
Hohnefs mthout which no Man Jhdll fee the
Lord^ it makes them Reprobates^ arid throws
them into the laft degree of Imperfeftlon, con-
demning all Graces and Virtues, whereby we over-
rule our Paffions, as foolifh and idle Notions, ^C4
But left, contrary to my purpofe, I fhould maka
too great a digreffion in coniiparing the Chriftian
Religion to all others^ I fhall return, and erinpio/
the reft of this Seftlon in (hewing that the Chri-
ftian Religion is not only above all others, but
alfo that it brings a Man to Regeneration and
that perfeft Holinefs, which is the end of his
Creation.
. If we confider the Precepts of Chriftianity aS
the Rules of humane Life, we (hall find therri
the moft accurately adapted to our Nature as evet
were made known to the World, no ways con-
tradi£tory to our Reafon, but tend to make mor-
tal Man perfeft, even as God is perfed : The
greateft Libertines who do noL live up to them,
jret approve of them. By thefe Precepts we are
^. S taught,
^ijS The Grounds of
taught, Firft, Our duty to our Maker, to believe
in him, to fear him, to love him above all things^
to trult and depend entirely upon him, to do his
Will with all fubmiffion ^ to worfhip him with |
pure Hearts, not with Sacrifices, for he eats not |
the Flefh of Bulls, nor drinks the Blood of Goats ^
they inftruQ: us how to call upon him, and with
fervent Zeal and Underftanding, and unwearied
Conftancy, to offer up our Petitions to him ^ to
praife and glorifie his holy Name for all the Be- ^
nefits we and all Mankind have received from him I
fince the Creation of the World. Thefe Duties
are fpunded upon the higheft and moft folid Rea-
fori, and all that believe there is a God muft per-
form them : For, whom fhall we fear, but him
that is Almighty > Whom fhall we love, but infi-
nite Goodnels and Loving kindnefs it felf 1^ Whom
(hall we confide in, but him who is able and wil-
ling to help us ? To whom (hall we fubmit, and
tipon whom fhall we depend, but upon him who
is infinitely Wife > Whofe Will fhall we do, but
his who is jult and right > Shall we worfhip him
with the Sacrifices of Beafls, who is an eternal
Spirit ? Briefly, fince on Earth we' petition our
Superiours if we will obtain any Favours from
them, and we pay our grateful acknowledgments
for them when received ^ infinitely more are we
obliged, upon all occafions, to pray to that God
upon whom our Being and Well-being depends 5
and to oft'er up our Praifes and Thankfgivings to
him who hath beltow'd fo many Benefits upon us*
Thus our duty to God has not only his Glory
for its Obje£l, but our own Good and Welfare
alfo.
Our duty to onr Neighbour gives us the moft
incomparable Rules for Government, Society, and
Friendfliip 5 for it aims at the good of all Men
' in
the Authors Converfton. 2 5 p
in general, and of every Man in particular •, it
requires from us Obedience to our Governours
and Superiours, even when they unjuftly ufe us,
and perlecure us 5 it teacheth us the greatell Mer-
cy, Love and Humanity one to another, obliging
us to forgive our bittereft Enemies, and to pray
for our Slanderers and Tormenters ^ it will not
permit us to render evil for evil, but on the con-
trary commands us to do good to thofe who treat
us injurioufly. There is no Friendfhip fo facred,
no Juftice fo impartial, no Charity fo great, no
Meeknefs fo exemplary, as that which our blef-
fed Saviour has recommended to us ^ wicked
Thoughts , much more wicked Deeds , are ab-^
horr'd by his true and genuine Followers, who
live in perfeft peace and tranquillity one with
another.
Our duty to our felves has the fame Objeft as
the two former : It commands us the loweft and
mofl: profound Humility, the greatefl: Meeknefs
and Patience under our Sufferings and Reproaches •,
to be content in whatfoever ftate of life it (hall
pleafeGod to call us^ to have an unfhaken Faith,
unfpotted Chafticy, and to perfevere to the laft
moment of our lives •, to be temperate in Meats
and Drinks, and all Recreations ^ to follow our
Callings with diligence •, it gives us a lingular
Modelty, Simplicity, Gravity, and fincerity of
Heart •, it teacheth us to deny our felves, to de-
fpife worldly things, and hunger and thirft after
Righteoufnefs ^ to husband well the Talent God
haih given us 5 to follow the things that are pure,
honeft, of good report, and praifeworthy ^ it
commands nothing that is unaccountable, nothing
that is bafe and unbecoming reafonable Creatures ^
all our />8:ions are moderated by it -^ we ought
to be as innocent as Doves, but as wife as Scr-
S 2 pents,
2'6o The Grounds of
pents •, we ought to be modeft and humble, bm:
not afraid to appear in the detenee of Truth--,
we ought to do jultice, but not to be unmerci-
ful ^ we ought to bear Injuries, but not to be
fenfelefs of them ^ we mult be kind to all Men,
but without Pride or AfFeftation •, and thus arc
all ChriHian Virtues moderated. If what has
been fa id be well confidered and digefted, it will
be evident that the Chriftian Religion does bring
us to the higheft degree of perfeftion that it's
poffible humane Nature can attain to, and that
it tends (infinitely beyond all others) to the Glo-
ry and Honour of God, the univerfal Happinefs of
Mankind, and the Good of every Man in particu-
lar, and confequently is the true Religion.
SEC T. IX.
0f Fromifes and Rervards y of Was
and Fnnifbments^
HAving proved that the Chriftian Religion ha^
the true Objea: of the right Religion, and
that the Credenda of it were as perfect as could
be, and the Agenda as humane Nature is capable
of bearings we come now to confider what Pro*
mifes are made to them who live accordingly,
and what Wees and Judgments are denounced
againft the Children of difobedience. Our Cor-
ruption is fo great, and osir vicious Inclinations
fo Itrong, that without a certain belief of future
Rewards and Punifhments, it would be very dif-
ficult for U3 to walk in the n:K>ft pleafant Paths
the Author s Coffverfion. 261
of Religion : For, how can we conceive a Man
(bould exftinguifh his violent Paflion for a dar-
ling Pleafure, had he not fure hopes (by thus mor-
tifying himlelf to the World ) of a more fub-
ftantial Good, and of avoiding an everlaftingMi^
fery?
Whether we confider thefe Rewards in refpefl
to God, or regard to our own Souls, thsy are
far more glorious and adapt than what any other
Religion affords. What others have feigned to
encourage Men to do good, is indeed not a litde
enticing, but yet it is direQly contrary to the Na-
ture of God, and our Souls : For inltance, Th-ir
notions of Mecempfychofis, or the Tranfmigrx-
tion of the Soul into another Body, more noble
or ignoble; delightful charming Places ^ Riches ;
Plurality of Women, L^fc. which can never agree
with the Eternal Almighty God, neither without
reafonable Souls, they are Spirits which can ne^-
ver be fatisfied with temporal things, they came
from God, and naturally defire to return to him ^
no Pleafure pan fufficiently content them, but th$
infinite Happinefs of enjoying their Creator,
2. Our Bodies have their part in thefe Promifes
as well as our Souls ; For is it not jult that the
Body which has accompanied the Soul through
many Tryals and Affliftions, for the fake of God,
mould (hare in its Rewards alfo ? Is it not rea-
fonable that the Body, which has been depriv'd
of fo many Lulls and Pleafures, (hould, with the
Soul , be Partaker of eternal Happinefs ? The
Eefurreclion of the Body mult therefore be a great
Confolation to U3 , our Saviour proved it to the
JewT^ out of the Books of the Law and the Pro?
phets; he laid the foundation of th'::* Truth, and
we are fure our Faith is not vain, i:nce he is ri-
fpp ftorp the 4ead. To fay that the fcatter'd Parr
a ^2 T*he Ground f of
tides of our diflblv'd Bodies cannot be coIIe£led
again, is an Obje£lion fo weak, that it deferves
not an Anfwer *, for certainly the Almighty Crea-
tor of Man out of Nothing, cannot only reftore
him ro his former ftate after his diflblution, but
endue him alfo with a perfe8: Underftanding,
and a perpetual Vigour, ^c We fee then thefe
Rewards are not fuch fenfual Banquets as the
j^ews vulgarly believe ^ nor fuch a Fools Paradife,
a Plurality of Women, as the T//r/^j expeft ♦, nor
the wandrings of the Soul from one Body to an-
other, as the Heathens dream ^ but it is an infi-
nite Ipiritual Happinefs we are promifed, the
greatett our Hearts can wifh, or that a created
Being is capable of ^ we (hall enjoy the Beatific
Vifion, God will dwell in us, we (hall praifehim
with joyful Hallelujahs for ever and ever^ we
fhall be free from Hunger and Thirft, from
all Doubtfulnefs of Thought, Sorrow, Pain and
Death •, in (hort, we (hall be perfectly Happy ^
for we fhall live in the Lord, and he in us.
When we ferioully confider this, we fliall be rea-
dy to part with every thing, even our Lives, for
eternal Salvation^ fuch perfection of Blifs will
make all the Righteous (with St. Paul) moll ear-
neftly defirous to leave this World of Sin and
Miferies, and to be diffolv'd, to be with Chrift ;
the Apottle experimentally knew what this Hap-
pinefs war> when he thus explained it to the Gt
?'intrjia:is^ Eye hath not fee n^ nor Ear heard^ nei-
ther hath It entred into \he Heart of Man to con-
ceive^ the things which God hath prepared for
them that love him. We (liall now briefly confi*
der the Woes and Punifliments.
As God hath promifed fuch great and glorious
Rewards ro them that love him and are obedient
to his- Commands -, fo he hath pronounced molt
terrible
the Author s Converfion. 2^3
terrible Woes and Judgments againfc tliem that
a£l the contrary. Is ic not reafonable to think
that God who is merciful to the Righteous, fhoul^
be jult to the Wicked and the Impenitent > And
if the Rewards of the Good are inexprefiible,
muft not the Punifhments of thofe who die in
their Sins be the utmott Mifery ? I Ihould be too
tedious if I repeated here all the Exprelfions ufed
in holy Scripture to make us fenfible of the mi-
ferable (tate of the Damned ^ I fliall therefore
mal^e fome Reflexions on what has been faid, and
fo conclude this Seftion.
1. The belief of thefe Woes and Torments de-
terreth us from committing Sin, and quickens us
to Repentance and a holy Life ?, for no Man can
hope for eternal Life, but by doing the Will of
God ^ everlafting Flames muft be his portion who
dies without Repentance.
2. It breeds a dread and fear in us of the great
and jealous God, a God that will not be mock*
ed ^ it teacheth us to tremble at his Word, to
confider his infinite Juftice, and the fiercenefs of
his Wrath.
3. We are hereby taught to put a true value
upon the Work of our Redemption •, for if we
believe not an eternity of Torments, we can ne^
ver fufficiently efteem the Ranfom Chrift paid for
us s whereas he who reflefl'S upon the Glories he
had loft, and the infinite Mifery he had deferv'd,
cannot but be moft thankful for fo plenteous a
Redemption.
The belief that God has laid up glorious Re^
wards for thofe that love him, is ufeful,
I. To wean our AffeSions and Defires from
the Pleafures of Life, to create in us a contempt
of this World, and to teach us to prefer Heaver?
before ^11 things.
§4 ^- If
a ^4 '^'•^^ Grounds of
2. It encourageth us to take up the Crors of
Chrift, and willingly and chearfully to fuffer all
Affliftions for his Nanne fake, afluring us in the
Words of the Apoftle St. Paul^ that the Suffer-
ings of this prefent time are not to be compared
with the Glory that JhallbereveaVd.
SECT. X.
Sefveral other F roofs for the Chrijiian
fieligion.
MY Guide having thus proved the truth of
the Chriftian Religion by its Evidences and
its Obje£l, he gave me fome other Arguments to
confirm me, which are not of a little value. I
fhall contraO: them as much as I can.
I. As the Jews own that there was a Meffias
promlfed, fo they cannot deny but that they cru-
cified a Man whofe Name was Jefus^ in whom
we find all that's foretold of the Meffias in the
Old Teftament fulfilled r as, that he fhould be
born of a Virgin, in the City oi Bethlehem^ of the
Tribe of Judah, and of the Pofterity of David ^
;hat he fhould begin to preach in Galilee^ do ma-
ny Miracles, be the Saviour not only of the Jewt
but the Gentiles ^.Ifo •, that he fhould eftablifh the
Worfhip of one true God, and deftroy that of
Idols and falfe Gods-, that he fhould be betrayed,
and fold for Thirty Pieces of Silver •, the Time,
Manner, and Circumftances of his Sufferings and
Death •, the very parting his Garment, the Scoifs
of jhe Multitude, his Behaviour, laft Words,
the
the Authors Conner fon. 2 ^5
the exempting his Bones from being broken, his
honourable Burial, his Refurreftion, &c, Al|
that was preditled and prefigured of old, was
accomplifhed in him , fo that undoubtedly this
Jefus is the Chrift, and his Religion came from
God.
2. My Guide noted to me the extraordinary
manner how thefe Prophecies were fulfilled ^ of
which take two or three Examples. Is it not
wonderful, that he who had fo many Enemies,
fhould be betrayed by one of his own Difciples ^
That he fhould be condemn'd to death whom the
Judge declared Innocent ^ that he who had often-
times efcaped being ftoned, (hopld at laft be au^
cified ^ and yet (had he been guilty of what he
was accufed) by the Law of the Country, he
ought to have been ftoned ^ that he who was cru-
cified (which was a Roman and not a Jevoijh Pu^
nifhment) (hould be fo honourably buried j that
none of his Bones fhould be broken, tho' it was
the cuftom to break the Bones of the crucified,
and it was then praflifed upon two Thieves ? ^c,
Thefe things are fo furprifing, that we cannot
fufficiently admire and adore the infinite Wifdon?
of God, who in his Son Jefus has fulfilled what-
foever was foretold of the MefTias.
3. The fulfilling of Chrift's Prophecies againft
the Jews^ their Temple, and City. For in thq
time foretold by our Saviour, the Romans^ under
their Emperor Titus^ did conquer the City, de-
rriemolifh the Temple, ^c. and ever fince that
time the Jews have been 4ifpers'd^over the whole
Earth, and never fince have had any Power or
Government.
4. The wonderful progrefs of the Apoftlesan4
their SuccefTors, in propagating the Chriftian Re-
ligion, Tliis Arguni^nt will be no advantage tq
the
^66 The Grounds of
the Mahometans^ for their Opinions were propa-
gated by other Methods. And here, i. Let us con-
fider the Author and Preachers of the thrlftian
Religion. 2. The Religion it felf. 3. The man-
ner of its propagation.
I. The Author of the Chriftian Religion was
Je/us^ the Son of a poor Virgin, and the reputed
Son of a Carpenter-, his Birth in a Stable m Beth-
lehem^ his Education in GaiiUa^ his Sufferings
and ignominious Death on the Crofs amongft Ma-
lefaftorsi thefe are greater hindrances than helps
to the fpreading of Chrift's Doftrines ^ but not-
withftanding, fo mightily grew the Word ^Chrift,
ani prevaiPd^ that it threw down all Super-
ftition and falfe Religion^ which it could ne-
ver have done, had not the Power of Almighty
God gone along with it. The Preachers of the
Gofpel were not Princes of great Wealth and Au-
thority, but proor Tradefmen, they were not Men
oiF great Learning, educated in famous Univerfi^
ties, but mean obfcure Galileans^ Men of Peace
and Humility ^ they were very unlikely to do any
notable things^ fince they wanted worldly Wifdom
and Power to gain them Reputation and Autho-
lity. This is the true Charafter of the primiiive
Preachers of the Gofpel. Thefe Men therefore
by their own Cunning and Strength could never
have been able to baffle the Wifdom of the
Greeks^ the Power of the Romans^ the Malice of
the Jews^ and the Obftinacy of Idolaters •, we
may as eafily believe that a Sheep could worry a
hundred ravenous Wolves, as that thefe Men
fliould have prevail'd againft fo many obftacles of
Men and Devils, and perfuaded the World to
forfake their old way of WorQiip, and to believe
in Chrift crucified. We muft then conclude, that
Snce they have done all this, th^ OmniFOtenc
God
the Authors Con^etfion. 16 j
God aflifted them ^ it mult neceflarily be an infi-
nite Power, that by fuch weak obfcure Men
could bring fuch mighty things to pals.
2. As to the Religion it felf, altho', is we
have already prov'd, it is the moft excellent and
perfefl: of all ♦, yet it had feveral Articles of Faith,
and Rules of Praftice, that were as fo many
Stumbling-blocks to the Heathens-, among' the
former is the Creation of the World, which fure-
ly was Itrange Doftrine to them who believed,
Ex nihilo nihil fit ^ i. e. out of nothing can be
made nothing 5 they that had hitherto believed
there were many Gods, could not eafily be per-
fuaded there is but one. The Do£lrines of the
Trinity in Unity, and the Unity in Trinity, and
of the Refurreftion of Bodies, feem'd very ab-
furd at Rome and Athens :^ and yet all thefe Do-
ftrines, as ftrange and difagreeable as they ap-
peared, were received in thefe places •, which
could never have been, had not God's miraculous
Providence given fuch wonderful fuccefs. And
had not the fame Power attended the preaching
the Rules of Praftice, the corrupt World had
never receiv'd them *, for the Gofpel commands us
to deny all ungodlinefs, and to live rjghteoufly,
godly, and foberly •, it forbids not only evil Ani-
ons, but evil Thoughts alfo ^ it is fo far from
permitting us to do Injuries, that it will not al-
low us Vengeance for thofe offer'd to us ♦, not only
Adultery, but even impure Imaginations are for-
bidden by it, ^c. But it will feem yet more
Itrange, if we confider,
9. The manner of the firft propagation of the
Gofpel. It owes not its fuccefs to the Eloquence
or Rhetorick of the Apottles ^ they were illite-
rate ignorant Men, and underltood no more of
School-learning, than one born blind does of Co-
lours i
3^8 T^he Grounds of
lours ^ their Births and Fortunes were mean ani
cbfcure, they never alTifted in Senates, or in thq
Councils of Princes ^ they were not great Lawr
yjer5, able to defend any Caufe -, in (hort, they
had no bright Qiialifications to recomnnend them
|to the Princes of the World ^ under thefe heavy
difadvantages they propagated the Chriftian Reli-
gion to a wicked, perverfe, and powerful Gene-
ration. St. Paul indeed was a learned Man, and
had all the benefits of a generous Education ;
neverthelefs he tells us, that be determined to
know nothing but Jefus Chriji afid him crucified •,
^nd that neither hisfpeech nor his preaching was
with the enticing words of man's wifdom. So that
the fuccefs of the Chrittian Religion i$ftill owing
to the Power of God alone.
War, and the Arm of Flefh, by which Maho-
met propagated his Opinions, had no fhare in the
advancement of the Gofpel ^ the Jew nor the
Gentile need not be afraid of the Sword of the
Apoftles, for they were forbidden all Violence
and Cruelty ^ their Matter did not fend them put
as Beafts of Prey, but like Sheep in the midft
of Wolves ; he was the Matter of Peace, and
they his Servants ; and therefore they came not to
denounce War, but to bring Peace and Glad-Ti-
cjings, and to perfuade the Soldier to fheach his
Sword. Princes and States infte^d of protecting
them, treated them evilly, and perfecuted them
from City to City, and yet they had no other
Armour but Faith in Jefus Chrift, nor any Sword
but that of the Word of God ^ and with thefe
they overcame the Nations, and brought them
ynder the Obedience of the Gofpel. The conti-
nual Sufferings, Tribulation?, Apli£lions, and
Perfecutions, which the Apoftles and their Pro-
fely|te$ were expofed tOj pne woul4 think, fhould
V^ry
the Authors Conner fton. a 6^
Very much hinder the fpreading of the Do£lrine
they preach'd ^ Prayers and Tears were tjie only-
Weapons they ufed , and yet the Blood of the
Martyrs was that fruitful Seed of the Church, fo
that thoufands daily embrac'd Chriftianity. This
wonderful progrefs of it my Guide laid before me,
as one Argumentj that it is the only true Reli-
gion : He urg'd many more than what I have
mention'd, as the Refurreftion and Afcenfion of
Chrift, his fending the Holy Ghoft to his Apo-
files, the wonderful Gifts they received by it, of
fpeaking all Languages, working Miracles, &c.
But I need not nriention any more, being con-
vinced that every reafonable Man ( if he confi-
dereth what has been faid ) muft confefs, that
the Chriftian Religion excels all others in its
Evidences, Objeft, matters of Faith, Precepts,
Rewards and Punifliments, and that it comes
from God, and is the only true Religion.
I (hall, in the laft place, proceed to tell you
the Objeftions I brought againft the Chriftian Re-
ligion, and the Anfwers my good Guide made to
them.
SECT. XL
T/?e OhjeStions I made againji the Chri--
Jiian Religion^ with their Solutions.
THE Arguments I brought againft the Exi-
ftenceof a God, his Attributes, and the ne*
ceflity of a reveafd Religion were fo weak, thac
they are not worth mentioning •, they were only
th^
Qjo The Grounds of
the common Opinions of my Countrymen, and
my Guide anfwer'd them fo clearly, that I could
make no manner of reply : So that the firft
Obje£lion that feem'd to have any force was
this :
Objeff. I. How can I now be certain^ that what
the Evangelifts and Apoftles aflert is truth •, for
they might impofe upon us, and write things
which never were perform'd ?
Anfw. To this my Guide anfwered, i. That
he fuppos'd the divine Writers were able to tell
us the truth, and to give us a true and perfeft
Hiftory of the Life and Death of the bleCTed Je-
sus. 2. That they were very willing to do fo.
No Man can doubt that they were able to fpeak
the truth ^ for they did not write the Hiftory of
things which happened in Agespaft, and long be-
fore they were born, or of what was done in remote
parts of the World ^ but the things they deliver
down to us they faw with their own Eyes, heard
with their own Ears, and felt with their own
Hands, ^c. as the Apoftle Sr. Job;2 oblerves.
Moft of thefe Writers were conftant attendants
on our Saviour, from his firft preaching to the
end of his Life •, fo that if they publifh'd any
untruths, we muft attribute them rather to their
defigns and intentions to impofe upon us, than
their ignorance : But by the following Confidera-
tions it will appear, they were willing as well as
able to tell us the naked truth.
1. It cannot be imagin'd they could forge the
Hiftory of the Life of Chrift ♦, How could poor
Fi(hermen, ignorant Mechanicks, Men without
Learning, contrive fuch a Fiction as (hould in all
refpefts fo exaftly agree >
2. Suppofing they had been cunning Sophifters^
and fubtle enough to invent fuch a Hiftory, coulA
they
the Authors Conner ft on. 271
they have the face to undertake fuch a defign,
and impofe fuch a Forgery on the World, when
there were multitudes of living Witneffes (and
thofe their innplacable Enemies) to conttadiO:
them ? If thefe Writers had been found Liars,
they would foon have heen deteQed and carried
before the Magiftrate, and punifhed according to
their deferts ^ befides, it was the intereft and re-
folution of thofe Magiftrates to hinder the pro-
pagation of that Doftrine, whofe Author they
had with the utmoft Malice and Averfion perfe-
cuted even unto Death.
3. Thefe Writers were godly, righteous, and
fober Men ^ they have coniefs'd their own faults
publickly, which before were unknown to us ^
as their flownefs in believing, their difputes about
preheminence, their leaving and forfaking their
Lord and Matter, ^c. and confequently they
cannot be thought guilty of this wicked defign.
4. And laftly, For what end (hould they thus
delude us ? What advantage could they expeO:
by fo doing > Not Honour and Glory, for they
were continually reviled and derided as Fools and
Madmen i not Riches, or any other temporal Bene-
fit, for the Gofpel they preach'd, taught them to
renounce all, and follow Chrifl^ and accordingly
their Reputation, Goods and Lives, were daily
in danger ^ they were hurried from one place to
another, as Rebels and Blafphemers ^ they were
perfecuted and tormented, and at laft fufFered the
cruelleft Deaths that Malice could invent. Im-
poltors would' never have fubmitted to fuch
Tryals. Is it pofiible for Men joyfully, and with
alacrity to undergo all manner of Racks and Tor-
tures, for the fake of a Religion they knew to
be falfe, efpecially when they might have been
crown'd with Honours and Preferments had they
deny'd
a 7^ l^he Grounds of
deny'd it > Thefe things well confider'd, we can-
not but believe the Divine Writers were true and
faithful Hiftorians.
Ohjefi. 2. How can 1 be fute that the Books
we now have of the New Teftament, are the
fame the Evangelifts and the Apoftles penn'd, and
that in fucceffion of time they have not been
charig'd and alter'd.
ATifw. I. He anfwer'd me, That the vaft num-
bers of thefe Books which have been difpers'd
through the whole World, and tranflated almoft
into all Languages, their ftili bearing the names
of the fame Authors, and the agreement of the
different Verfions, plainly prove they have been
always the fame •, neither can it be conceiv'd that
diftant Nations that fcarce ever had any Com-
merce or Correfpondence with each other^ fhould
all confpire in the fame Cheat, and alter the holy
Writings. .
2. Since there are fuch t)ivifions, and fo many
Sefta amongft the Chriflians, had either of them
added or diminifli'd any thing in favour of theit
cwn Opinions, the reft would have done the like 5
but it appears thro' all Ages the Bible has been
appeafd to by all Parties. This fatisfied me, that
the holy Scripture is now the fame as was origi-
nally given to us.
ObjeS. 9. I objeaed againft the Miracles of the
Chriftian Religion^ as not fufEcient to denomi-
nate it the true Religion 5 for the Jewifh, and
fome of the Pagan Religions, have been efta-*
blifhed by Miracles j fo that w^e Miracles fuf-
ficient^ all thefe Religions would be true 5 which
is contrary to what has elfewhere been aP
ferted.
i!/7/K7. I. Miracles are not alone a fufEcient
proof of the true Religion, but only a confirma-
tiofl
the Authors Con*verfion. 275
tion of it ( as we have before obferv'd ) if there-
fore they are not agreeable to the Doftrines and
Precepts of the true Religion, they will be of
very little value.
2. The Wonders done by the Pagans have not
the three conditions of a true Miracle, viz, i. He
that does the Miracle mult know it, and be wil-
ling to do it. 2. Ic muft exceed all Art and na-
tural Power. 3. It muft be certainly perform'd
and come to pafs. But the wonders thefe Pagan
Prophets are reported to have done, were only
the foretelling the Calamities that fhould befal
their Country •, their Prediftions did not exceed
the knowledge of Natural Philofophers •, they on-
ly told you of the probability of Thunders, Light-
nings, Earthquakes, and other EfFefts of Natural
Caufes. Lauly, There is no certainty that thefe
things happened according to the times they men-
tioned ♦, for the Jarhabadiond^ or the Pagans Book
of their Law, in which thefe wonders are re-
corded, is fo carefully kept by their Priefts, that
no Man elfe is fuffer'd to read it, if he were able.
Thefe wonders therefore of the Pagans, wanting
the three neceffary conditions, cannot properly
be called Miracles ^ but thofe done by our Sa-
viour I have abundantly proved to have thefe
three conditions, and confequently were true Mi-
racles.
Obje[i. 4. If you will not believe the Wonders -
or Miracles that were done by the Pagans, ac
leaft you will give credit to what I my felf have
feen, viz. That our God appears in a bodily vi-
fible Shape in our Temple •, tor inftance, if he be
angry with us, he appears in the form of a Lion •,
but if well-pleafed, in the fhape of a Bull or a
Ram 5 in a few Hours fometicnes he changes his
T ft^pe.
2 74 ^^-^^ Grounds of
fhape, and in the fame day he is feen angry and
pleas'd by all that are in the Temple.
Afi/w, I. It is beneath the Majefty of the Su-
preme Being to appear (and that frequently) in
the fhape of fuch wild and ravenous Creatures, as
a Lion, Cfc,
2. This feems rather to be a Cheat of the
PrieftSj for they change the Scene, and fhur up
the place, whilft one Beaft is led back, and ano-
ther brought from his Den to be (hewn to the
People. 2. They will not fufFer any of the Con-
gregation to come near it ^ but if it were the Al-
mighty God that thus changes himfelf, he would
not do it privately, but publickly before all the
People. So that before a Man can believe this^
he muft fee a Cloud of Miracles to confirm it.
ObjelL $. Ireply'd^ For the fame Reafon I may
deny theRefurreQion of Chrift^ for if he really
rofe from the dead, why did he not appear to
his Enemies > But fince he was feen only by his
Difciples, I may with the Jews fay, that they
eame by Night and ftole him away, and then
gave out that he was rifen from the dead. So
that this Miracle wants other Miracles to con-
firm it.
An/w. I. The Apoftles did many Miracles in
confirmation of it ^ for when they raifed the
Dead, or cured the Sick, CvV. it was always in
the Name of JefusChrlft, whom God hath raifed
from ths dead.
2. We may as well ask why God did not tran-
flate the Enemies of Chrift into Heaven, and (hew
him fitting at -his right hand ^ for I am confident,
had the Jews feen him after his RefurreQion,
they would have faid ( as upon another occafion)
it is a Spirir^. an Apparition, or lomerhing like
it : For if they believed not the innumerable
Miracles
the Authors Conzferfwn. 275
Miracles that Chrift did before his Crucifixion,
they would never have been convinc'd that he
was theMeflias, tho' they had iQcn him after his
Refurreftion.
3. That aflertion of the ftupid Jews, that his
Difciples took away his Body, will appear moil
abfurd, if we confider the following circumftan-
ces of his Death and Refurreftion ^ the Jews them-
felves deny notChrift's death and burial, and that
his Sepulchre was ftrongly guarded by Soldiers •,
but they fay, whi/Ji theje Soldiers Jlept^ his Dif-
ciples came and Jiole him away : But we muft
think it impoflible for them to attempt fo bold
an aftion j for when our Saviour was betray'd,
his Difciples were ftruck with fuch fear, that
they all ran away, and left their Lord in the
hands of his Murtherers ^ even St. Fe;er^ who
was the moft forward Zealot of them all, and
faid, Tho" all Jhoiild he offended^ yet mU not /,
tho I Jhould die with thee^ yet 1 zvill not deny
thee in any wife : Neverthelefs, fear made St. P^-
ter fly, and thrice deny his Mafter. But fuppo-
fing the Difciples recovered from their fear and
furprize, and that they couragioufly attempted
to take away his Body, how can we imagine the
whole Company of Soldiers Qept at the fame
time, without letting one vigilant Centinel? But
yet granting they did all fleep together, bow was
it poffible the Difciples fliould know at what
Hour the Soldiers were all afleep ? Let us fuppofe
they knew this alfo , How could they roll away
the great Stone, enter into the Sepulchre, and
taks away the Body, &c. without making noife
enough to awake one Soldier ? But again, fup-
pofing hitherto they did all foftly and fecretly,
yet they muft do every thing haitily for fear of
being apprehended , bur on the contrary, there
T 2 Vv^as
^n6 'tht Grounds of
wasnoDlforder, noConfufion, the Grave-cloatte^
in which the precious Body was wrapp'd, were
decently folded up, and laid in one place, and:
the Napkin that was about his Head in another ^
which (hews it was done with a prefence of
Mind, and deliberately. Granting ftill, that the
Dlfciples did carry away the Body, why did not
the Jews accufe them before theWagiltrates, who
certainly would have condemn'd them to death
could it have been prov'd againft them > And fup-
pofing the Soldiers had flept whilft the Body was
ftollen, why did not thefe Soldiers ftiffer death,
according to the Laws of both Jews and Romans?
Laftly, The aflertion of the Jews plainly contra-
di£ls it felf^ for if the Soldiers vi;ere awake, vvhy
did they not hinder the Difciples from taking
away the Body ? But if they were afleep, how
can they tell which wiay it was taken , or who
did it : Thus you may fee the ttupidity, partia-
lity and ufibelief of the Jews , who give credit
to the Miracles of Mofes^ and the Prophets, fof
which they had only Hiftory and Tradition ^ and
yet would not believe the Miracles of Jefus
Chrift, of which they every day were Eye-wit-
n'efles.
Ohjetf. 6, 'Tis probable that the Devil can do
fuch Miracles as Chrilt did, How*' then fhall I
certainly know, whether Chrift did them by the
Power of God, or of the Dbvll >
Anfw. Tis true indeed, that we do not well
know how far the Power of Satan extends •, but
this we are certain of!, if he could work all the
Miracles that Chrift did, he could not do them
for the fame end, viz. for confirming the true
Religion, vv'hich wholly deftroys the Empire of
the Devil, and commands nothing but what is
for the Glory of God, and the Good of Mankind ♦,.
the
the Author s Co7i'verfion. lyj
the Devil is too gr^at an Enemy of both, to do
the leaft thing for the Honour or Good of either :
If then we fuppofe the Devil can work any great
Miracles, thofe of the Pagan Religion muft be at-
tributed to him^ for that Religion is far more a-
greeable to the nature of the Devil, than to the
Attributes of our Almighty Creator, as may ap-
pear by its Precepts, commanding the Sacrifice of
Infants, the Worlhip of the Sun, Moon, anci
Stars, and even of the Devil himfelf, and many
other Abfurdities, contrary to the very Effei?ce
of a God.
Obje^. 7. Chrift did acknowledge the Mira-
cles of Mofes ^ as wrought by the Power of
God, why then did he abolifh his Religion an4
Law >
Anfw. We grant that Chrift did acknowledge
the Miracles of Mofes^ and therefore he did not
pretend to condemn the Law ^ for he afFures us,
he came not to dejlroy the Law^ but to fulfil it :
So that he only abrogated thofe Rites and Cere-
monies which were not needful for the future.
The very Covenant God made with the Jews
proves that the time would come when they
fhould be abolifh'd ♦, and he did not condemn
them as falfe and contrary to the Nature of God,
but only as imperfeQ, and wanting that full ac-
compUlhment which came by Jefus Chrift, who
h;is taught us not to worfhip God with Saciifics,
Incenfe, Burnt-OfFerings, ^V. but in Spirit ani
in Truth,
Objea. 8. Why has not Ghrlft left to his
Church a continual Power of working Mira-
cles >
Anf, We are not to be too bufie in enquiring into
the Secrets of the Almighty ^ 'tis fufficient tor us
|hgt it is his Will^ we ought to be fatisfy'd and
T 3 thankful
a 78 T'be Grounds of
thankful that he (hew'd his Omnipotency in con-
firming that holy Religion he was pleas'd to re-
veal •, but fince the time of its Infancy is paft, and
the Church is fo propagited and eftablifhed, God
needs not do any more Miracles, for the Gates of
Hell fliall not prevail againft it.
Thefe were the chief Arguments which I
brought againft the Miracles of the Chriflian
Religion •, to which having received fatisfaftory
Anfwers, in the next place I oppofed the great
Work of Redemption, and asked firft,
Obje^, 9. Since God had determin'd to redeem
Mankind from their Sins by the Sufferings of his
only Son, why did he not fend him fooner into
the World, or rather immediately after the Fall
of AJam^ that thofe who lived between Adam
and Chrift might have been Partakers of this De-
liverance and Salvation?
An/w, I. Suppofing you fhould ask why God
did not create the World fooner ? And neither I
nor any elfecan give you a reafon •, this does not
deftroy the evidence of the Creation : So if I am
not able to affign the caufe why God did not fend
his Son earlier into the World, this does not in-
validate the efficacy of our Redemption •, all
that can be faid to it is, that the infinite Wif-
dom of God made choice of this Fulnefs of
Time, and thought it more convenient than any
other.
A/i/w. 2. Though Jefus Chrift came into the
World fome Thoufands of Years after the Sin of
A.dam^ yet thofe that died before his Nativity
were Partakers of the Benefits of his Redemption
as w^ell as we, provided they lived according to
the Knowledge God had given them.
Obje^. 10.
the Authors Converfion. a jp
ObjeS. 10. Could not God have delivered us
from our Sins by any other way than by the death
of his only Son >
Anfw. I. Nothing lefs it feems conld fatisfic
his Juftice ^ for we had ofFended an infinite God,
and confequently our Sins were of infinite magni-
tude, fo that nothing could make an infinite
Atonement, but a Sacrifice of infinite Value, even
his only Son Jefus.
Anfw, 2. Had there been other means to fatisfie
our angry God, and he had accepted one way,
you would have faid, Why is God pleas'd this
way rather than another? So that if this method
of arguing be allow'd, God would be obliged to
a£l according to every Man's Humour and foolifh
Capricio's.
Anfw. 9. You may as well ask, why God did
not create Men as perfeQ: as the blefled Angels,
and free from Sin ? For this he could do, if
his infinite Wifdom had thought fit, and
then we (hould not have flood in need of a
Kedeemer.
Anfw. 4. The All-knowing God has taken fucfe
methods as he thought proper to manifeft hi^
Jultice, Goodnefs, Mercy, ^c, but his Ways are
incomprehenfible ; fo that we are obliged fub»
mifiively to admire his infallible Government, who
defires not the death of finful Man., but rather
that he fhould turn from his wickednefs and live.
Muft we not pay as great duty and deference to
the King of Kings, as to our earthly Sovereign ?
Shall a poor ignorant Subjefl: condemn his Prince,
vvho has always approv'd himfelf a tender Father
of his Country ? Shall he, I fay, cenfure thq
Anions of hisGovernour, becaufe he cannot con-
ceive the Political Reafons for them ? As for in-
ttance. How jn^ny Subjefts of France condemn
T 4 lbs
280 The Grounds of
the Fre;7ch King for concluding the Peace at
Re/zvyck ^ they knew indeed he was an ambitious
Prince, and thought he would never make a
Peace, if he had not a profpeft of fome great ad-
vantage by it ^ yet they condemn'd him, becaufe
they could not imagine the Reafon for his fo do-
ing-, which he has now told the World was to
acquire the Grown of Spain for his Grandfon.
If then a Subjeft ought to be obedient to, and
not to criticize upon his Governours, tho' he un-
derftands not the fecret Springs of State 5 much
niore ought we humbly tofubmit to God, tho'his
ways are paft finding out.
Obje&, II. Chrilt could not pay that infinite
Satisfaftion which you Jay the Sin of Adam re-
quired ^ becaufe as God he could not fufFer, much
lefs could he die^ and as Man he was mortal ^
and therefore his Sufterings and Death were not
a fufficient Ranfom alone to fatisfie the infinite
Juftice of God, and atone for the Sins of all
Mankind.
Anfw, I. The meritorious Death and Paflion
of Chrilt might be doubly fatisfaftory, i. In re-
gard to God's holy A¥ill, which required nothing
more for the deliverance of us all, but has been
fully appeas'd by that Viftim only ; God fure
might declare which way he would be fatisfied ^
and if in the Old Teftament the Sacrifices of
Beafts were fufEcient to expiate th'e Crimes of
particular Offenders, much more can the Sacri-
fices of the Son of God atone for the Sins of the
whole World. 2. In regard to the Dignity of
Chrift's Perfon, who is God over j//, blejjed. for
ever : For tho' he fuffer'd only in his Manhood,
yet becaufe that humane Nature was Hypoftati-
cally joined to the Godhead^ we may affirm., that
the
the Authors Coti^erfion. Q 8 1
the everlalting Son of God fufFer'd all that the
Humanity of Chrift endured for us.
Anfw. 2. Confiderirg Chrilt as a Man, his Per-
fon (b infinitely excell'd all others, that the Sa-
crifice of it was an infinite Atonement for our
Sins. He was conceived by the Holy Ghoft, made
Man in the higheft perfeftion, call'd the Son of
God, and predeftinated by the Father to be our
Redeemer. To this let us join the Power he had
to work Miracles, and the Miracles likewife the
Father did to (hew he was his beloved Son in whom
he was well pie afed^ and then we fhall confefs his
Perfon was moft excellent, even beyond expref-
fion, and muft put the greateft value upon his
Sufferings ^ for if the Captivity of a Prince be fuf-
ficient to Ranfom all his Subjefts, much more
may the Death of Chrift atone for the Sins of all
Mankind.
ObjeS. 12. God could never fatisfie his own
Juftice by giving his Son for our Redemption,
for he then would fatisfie himfelf by himfelf,
which is as abfurd as for a Creditor to pay himfelf
out of his own Money.
Anfw. I. If this be granted, not only the Effi-
cacy of all the Sacrifices that ever were offer'd
Biuft be deftroy'd, but even the Worfhipof God
would ceafe ^ for we cannot offer any thing but
what entirely depends upon him.
Anfw, 2. We muft confider, that in the great
Works of our Creation and Redemption, God
afted not only by one of his Arcribures, but by
the harmony of them all. As for example •, fup-
pofing there had been a Man fo excellently per-
feO:, and fo little depending upon God, that he
could have paid the infinite Ranfom for all Man-
kind •, 'tis true God by accepting him would have
afled agreeable to his Juftic^ but not to his IAqx-
cy,
0,^2 T^he Grounds of
cy, Goodnefs, &c. for God would not hav^
(hewn his Mercy by accepting a Sacrifice propor-
tionable to the Tranfgreffion •, 'but now he has
(hewn his Love, Goodnefs, and Mercy to us, by
giving his own Son to be a Propitiation for us,
as he has fatisfied his Jufticeby Chrift's Sufferings
and violent Death.
ObjeS. I ^ To whom then was the Price of our
Redemption paid >
' A?7fw. To God the Father, whofe eternal
Wrath we had deferved, by finning againft his
infinite Majefty.
Obje^. 14. But God the Father gave us the
Redeemer.
Anfw. Yes : But tho' God fent him into the
World, yet it was necelTary he fhould fuffer and
^ die for our Redemption •, and as this great Work
was God's gracious and willing acceptance of his
Sufferings ♦, fo there was fomerhing particularly
for the Man Chrift Jefus to do for us, viz. That
he, who could have comma?jded more than twelve
'Legions of Angels^ (hould meekly fubmit and of
fer himfelf a Sacrifice for the Sins of the whole
World : This ineftimable Offering God was well
pleas'd to accept, and to blot out all our Offences
for the fake of it. And thus the great Work of
Redemption was finifhed.
ObjeU. 15. If the facrificing of Children by the
Pagans feems fo very unnatural, furely the Death
and Paffion of Chrift ihew much more Cruelty ^
it is harder therefore for me to believe that Go4
(hould require the Sacrifice of his only Son, than
of fome thoufands of Infants.
Anfm. We will not pofitively affirm, that the
facrificing of Children is always unjuft and cruel 5
but if there be any Cruelty in fo doing, it is a-
g^inft the very Being of a God ^ an example of
the Authors Cou'verfton. 285
which we have feen in Abraham^ who would ne-
ver fo cheerfully have attempted to facrifice his
Son Jfaac^ had he thought it contrary to the At-
tributes of God. And as to the Sacrifice of the
Son of God, the Father did not aft againlt his
Juftice by accepting it. For the better underftand-
ing of which let usconfider, i. That Injuftice is
a voluntary depriving another of what we are
neither willing nor able to make reftitution ^ fo
then God was neither unjuft nor cruel, by giving
his Son once to die for us, fince he the third Day
after rais'd him from the dead, and gave him a
Life far more glorious than that he had before 5,
God has amply rewarded the Sufferings of his
Son's humane Nature, by taking him into Hea-
ven, and placing him at his own Right-hand for
evermore. 2. Chrift offer'd his Life as a Ran-
fom for us, and to be a Mediator between God
and Man-, lb there could be no Injuftice or Cruel-
ty in the Father's accepting what the Son volun-
tarily ofFer'd *, on the contrary, had not God accep-
ted the full Satisfa£lion which his Son offer'd, wq
fhould have more pretence to charge him with
Cruelty and Injuftice ^ for we muft condemn that
Creditor as cruel and unjuft, who willjiot accept
the Money his Debtor is not able to pay when it
is offer'd to him by fome other charitable and ge-
nerous Man.
Ohjeti. 16. Why did God require the Sacrifice
of his only Son, when he had forbidden the Jews
to offer humane Sacrifices ?
Anfw, I. When God commanded the Jews not
to facrifice their Children, he did not eternally ob-
lige himfelf never to require (upon the mott extra-
ordinary occafion efpecially) any fuch Sacrifice 5
as we noted before in the example oflfaac,
Anfw, 2s
284 Tj{7e Grounds of
Anjia. 2. God did not command the Jews to
crucifie Jefus Chrift, he only permitted him to
fall into the hands of malicious and finful Men 5
and Chrift, like a Lamb dumb before his Shearers^
cpen'd not his Mouth againft his Murtherers •, but
though the Jews through Malice and Envy con-
demn'd our Saviour, neverthelefs we may readily
believe that God the Father accepted his death as
an expiatory Sacrifice for the Sins of the whole
World.
ObjeS, 17. But the Sin of Adam and his depra-
ved Pofterity, is only a difobedience to God's
Commands, fo that Chrift by his perfeft Obedi-
ence might atone for thefe Tranfgreffions, and
therefore it was not abfolutely neceffary he fhould
fufFer and die for our Redemption.
Anfw. I. Suppofing God could have taken an
eafer way for our Deliverance, muft we condemn
him becaufe he took this > Chrift with a Word
could cure all Difeafes ^ fhall he then that is born
blind murmur againft him for putting Clay and
Spittle upon his Eyes, and fending him to wa(h in
the Pool oi Si loam ?
Anfw» 2. He that thinks the Sin 0? Adam was
Difobedience only, is miftaken ♦, for his Sin was
threefold: i. He was guilty of Infidelity, becaufe
he believ'd the Serpent rather than God. 2. Of
Ambition, when he*thought to be like God. 3. Of
Difobedience, in eating the forbidden Fruit.
An/w. 3. Laftly, He ismiftaktn alfo who thinks
the finlefs Life of Chrift was the complete and
necefiary Satisfa£lion for the complicated Sin of
Adam ^ the Satisfa£llon chiefly anfwereth the Pe-
nalty God Almighty threaten'd Adammxh ^ which
Punifhment was Death, and Chrift has obtained
our Pardon by laying down his Lite for us.
Objcf?,
the Authors Conner fion. 2 85
ObjeS,iS, ^i^;« was threatned with death, by
tvhich I underftand eternal death : But has Chrift
fuffer'd eternal Death >
Anjw, Chrift did not fuffer the eternal Punifh-
ment we deferved, but his Agony and bloody
Paflion were moft fevere and painful, his death
curfed, and he perfeftly innocent ^ fo that altho^
we have deferv'd everlafting death, yet God was
pleas'd to accept the Sufferings which our Savi-
our for our fakes willingly labmirted to 5 this
Sacrifice has made an Atonement for our Sins^
and we are again receiv'd into God's Favour, fo
that Chrift may properly be faid to have died,
dvTi J/j^, that is, for us.
ObjeU, T9. It is ftrange to me that Chrift, who
as a Man, was adorn'd with all Vertues in per-
feflion, and who voluntarily offered himfelf to
die for us, fhould not bear his Sufferings with
as much Joy and Courage as many of the Martyrs
are reported to do •, but he faid, his Soul was
troubled even unto 'Death •, his anguifli was fo
great, that he fweat drops of Blood, and prayed
three times to his Father, that this Cup might
fajs away •, and laftly, upon the Crofs he cry'd
out. faying. My God^ my God^ why haft thou for-
faken 7ne ^
Anfw. I. We need not take for granted all that
is contained in the Book of Martyrs^ fome things
therein perhaps were written purpofely to encou-
rage the Chiiftians in times of Perfecution, and
to exhort them to imitate the Vertue and Con-
Itancy of thefe Martyrs.
AnJtKi. 1. Thefe Martyrs exerted their Courage,-
and fubdu'd their paflion in publick, that they
might the better remove the fears of the remain-
ing Confeffors •, but ics probable in their Confine-
ments
a86 The Grounds of
ments and private Retirements they felt thenn-
felves to be but Men.
A/i/w, 3. If all be true that the Writers of thefe
Books have faid, it muft be attributed to the
Operation of God's H0I7 Spirit, who gave them
fuch an undaunted Courage, and an affured Hope^
that they (hould receive everlafting Glory. But
God permitted his Son to be more troubled under
his intenfe Sufferings ^ i. Becaufe ifoneof us
(hould be expos'd to fuch Trials for Chrift's fake,
and this Man (hould (hrink and tremble at the ap-
proach of Torments and Death, inftead of (hew-
ing that chearfulnefs and prefence of Mind which
the primitive Martyrs did, he (hould not there-
fore think his Death unacceptable to God, for it
certainly would be grateful to God, if he ( ac-
cording to the Example of Chrift) meekly fub-
mitted to his holy Will. 2. That Chrift's Suffer-
ings and Death might be of greater value. Laftly,
That Chrift might be our Helper and Defender,
that he who was tempted, fufFered and died, may
be the more ready to affift and comfort us in all
our Trials and AfBiftions.
Thefe and the like Objeaions I made againft
the Work of Redemption, which being anfwer'd
by my Guide, I began in the la It place to attack
the Mylleries of the Chriftian Religion with the
following Arguments,
Obje^. 20. We have hitherto fpoke of Chrift
and the Holy Ghoft as two diftinO: Perfons in the
Godhead, and the Chriftian Religion obligeth us
to believe the Myftery of the Trinity in Unity,
and Unity in Trinity, and that the fecond Perfon
in the Trinity came into the World, and took our
Nature upon him, tS^c, all which are Myfteries
indeed to me, and feem contrary to my Reafon,
and the Nature of God.
Anfw,
the Authors Conner fton. i8 7
Anfw. We muft not confound what is above
Reafon with that which is contrary to Reafon :
We now by Experience know many things which
at firft feem'd above our Reafon. One or two fa-
miliar Inftances will make this matter clear : Sup-
pofe a Man born in a very cold Climate, (hould
go into a hot Country, where the Natives nevet
faw Snow nor Ice, and (hould tell them. That
where he was born, the Water, at a certain feafon
of the Year, was fo hard that a Horfe might
run over it ^ thefe People would fay, It is againft
Reafon, and contrary to the nature of Water to
grow hard, and therefore becaufe neither Reafon
fior Experience taught them otherwife, they would
conclude the Traveller had a mind to impofe up-
on them : But if thefe Inhabitants were perfua-
ded he was a faithful honeft Man, and faid he
faw it with his own Eyes, and would not tell a
Lye for the greateft advantage, then certainly they
i^ould believe it upon his Teftimony, tho' they
could not conceive how fuch a thing (hould be.
Another Inftance is the ufe of the Loadftone •, the
firft that found it out was furely contradided,
fome perhaps believ'd him upon his word, fome
doubted, and others utterly deny'd the poflibility
of it *, but Experience having convinc'd us, now
no body in thefe parts difputeth it, tho' we can-
not conceive the reafon for it ^ the wileft Philo-
fophers have enquired into the nature of it, but
after all their Suppolitions and pretended De-
monftrations, they are forc'd to place it amongft
Anfiotle's occult 'dualities, and to fay with me,
it is above Realbn. So we may fay of the Chri-
ftian Myfteries : A Jew or a Gentile, who was
never initrufted in this DoSlrine, takes it to be ab-
fiircl, againlt Reafon, and the very Being of a
God 3 but when ihey are convinc'd that Chriit
was
a88 The Grounds of
was the Author of it, and that he was greater
than all the Prophets, the Son of God that could
not impofe upon us, or be impos'd upon, that he
had confirm'd this Doftrine by almoft an infinite
number of Miracles, that God from Heaven had
declar'd him to be his beloved Son, and com-
manded us to hear him ^ I fay, afrer wearecon-
vinc'd of all this, we muft then conclude it is^
above, but not againft Reafon ^ then we muft^
condemn our too great prefumption, and confefs
the weaknefs of our Reafon, which would com-
prehend the Myfteries of God, and yet cannot
underftand a multitude of Natural Things.^ By
thefe means it was, that this holy Doftrine was
propagated and prevail'd : Afterwards fome Wri-
ters began to argue upon it, and fome endea-
voured to render it intelligible •, but molt of their
explanations are rather a difiervice than advan-
tage to it, Tis too true this holy DoStrine has
been condemn'd by fome Setts of Chriftians, but
that never will deftroy it •, I am very much mi-
Itaken if there be any truth, let it be never fo
clear and evident, but has been contradifted by
fome fort of Men or other.
The Author s Application^
I Don't wonder then that fo many Chriftians
deny this ^ for my own part I muft to my
fhame confefs, that for fome time after my Con-
verfion, I had my (hare of Doubts and Scruples
about it ^ but having farther examined it, I have
been oblig'd to acknowledge my weaknefs and ig-
norance, my too great prefumpcion and too little
humility,
the Authors Conquer fio?j.
humility, in believing rather what my Reafdrt,
than what my bleffed Saviour taught me ^ but
blefled be our merciful God, my ConvicVion is
the Itronger. I (hall not detain the Reader by
citing all the Texts oF Holy Scripture which
teach this Truth ; every one has his Bible ac
home, and I wi(h they frequently may read,
mark, learn, and inwardly digeft what's con-
tained therein. I (hall conclude this point by fay-
ing, if we believe nothing but what we can com-
prehend, we mull lift our felves amongft the
Scepticks, and doubt of every thing we taft, fee,
or feel.
Objeii. 21. Did Chrift when he was an Infant
know he was God >
Anjw. Did you know when you Were but fijt
Months old that you Wete a rational Creature ?
You cannot fay you did. But let this facisfie
you, the Godhead is not obliged to raanifeft it
felf in its Glory wherefoevet it is •, for the Ubi-
quity of God fills all places imaginable, howevet
it doth rarely manifeft it felf as it did on Mount
Sinai^ 8ic.
ObjetL 2 2. Laftiy, I objeQed, Since the Chri-
ftian Religion has fuch plain Evidences, and its
Precepts tar excel what the Prophets and Philofo-
phers taught. Why is it theleait obferved? Why
don't the Chriltians live according to thefe molt
excellent Pwules?* Methinks, if they believ'd what
they profefs, they fhould with the greateft awe
and diligence obferve it.
Anfw, You muft ask tho'fe unteafonable Men
who do not pra£life what they profefs ^ they have
asmuch Evidenccas you, or I, and perhaps more
too, for they are not full of the Prejudices of-orher
Religions ^ and I am perfuaded that the Eviden-
ces 1 have brought to you are able td convince
' U an/
The Gromids of
any thinking Man. I muft with great concern
acknowledge, that "the true Religion is the leatt
obfervM, rhoMt is ever the fame V but the evil
pratlices of thefe Profeffors ought not to be a
fcandal to you •, for fince they have been educa-
ted in the true Religion, and fo carelelly deviate
fronn it, their condemnation will be the greater :
Let them remember our Saviour's words : The
Servant that knov^eth his Alajier^s Will^ fni doth
it not^ Jhall be beaten zmh many flripes. There-
fore in another place he lays, They Jhall come from
the Eaji and from' the JVeff^ from the North and
from the Souths and Jhall fit down in the Kingdom
cfGod'^ but you your [elves fhall be thrujl out :
That is, many Jews and Gentiles, who have liv'd
according to the light of their Reafon that God
beltow'd upon them, (hall be received into the
Mercy of the Father, and be faved by Chrift's
Blood, whilft many Chriftians, who defpife the
Grace of God, and perfift in their finful Courfes,
fnall be rejefted and receive eternal Damnation.
God of his infinite Mercy grant we may not be
of this number.
Thefe were the principal ObjeQions I brought
againlt the Chriftian Religion •, and blefled, for
ever blefled, be GOD, that dire£led me to fuch
a Man who could give me fuch fatisfaQory An-
fvvers, that the divine Grace aflifting, I pro-
fefrd my felf heartily willing to leave my old
Pagan Idolatry, and to embrace the true Chri-
ftian Religion. To this Almighty God be all
Honour, and Glory- afcribed now and for ever-
more. Amen.
Being thus (to my eternal Happinefs, I hope)
convinced of the truth of the Chriftian Religion,
and being thorowly Satisfied of the primitive pu-
rity
the Author s Cou'verfion^
rity of the Church oi England^ learnedly defir'd
to be a Member of that Communion. Then
the Minifters who uncefsfully difpured with me
gave our, that my good Guide Mr. Inncs did not
convert me by flrength of Arguments, bur by large
promifes, or fome other indireO: means, which,
God knows, is falfe.
To ftop thefe uncharitable reports, Mr. hnes
and I went to Mr. Hattinga (the eldeft Miniiter
of Sluyfe ) and defired him to call a Confiltory,
and publickly examine me about the reafonable-
nefs of my Converfion ^ Mr. Hattinga promised
there (hould be aConfiftoty at feven of the Clock
that. Evening : Accordingly IsixAnnes and I went
again at that hour, and found the Cenfilrory fit-
ting ^ it was composed of the two Diitch and one
Fre/2ch Miniiter, the reft of the Members were
Wine- fellers, Apothecaries and other Tradefmen ^
hither alfo my Collonel, Captain, and the Cap-
tain-Lieutenant came to hear me ^ but becaufe I
could not very readily exprefs my felf in Dj/uh
(and none of them underftood Latin, except
Mr. Hattinga^ and he indeed knew very little of
it ) they chofe Monfieur jyA7nalv)\ the French
Miniiter, to difcourfe me mFrcnch ^ who faiU to
me, " Sir, the whole Confittory in general, and
" I in particular, rejoyce to fee you refoiv'd to
'' be baptized into the Chriitian Church, but I
" hope your Converfion doth not proceed from
" any other motive than a true and confciencious
" Conviftion.
Mr. Innes and I both thought that this fpeech
did not favour much of Charity • and therefore,
I reply'd, " Sir, I came hither on purpofe rode-
" clare the Reafons of my Converfion if theCon-
" fiitory pleafe to hear r.e. Then we were or-
der'd to withdraw ^ and being called in, Men-
U 2 fieur
The Grounds of
fieur UAmalvy told me , " That indeed they
•'• were very glad to fee me fo defirous to em-
" brace Chriltianity, but that it was a little too
^' foon for me to give an account of my Con-
^' verfion : You (hould ( fays he ) converfe with
" ps for three Weeks or a Month, and then we
" will publickly baptize you in our Great Church,
''^ where a rational Account of your Converfion
^'' ipay be much to the edification of the Con-
" gregation. But I perceiving their defign, an-
fwer'd, " If it be not too foon for you to hear
" me, I am fure it is time for me to fpeak, I
" am thorowly convinced of the truth of the
"^ Chriftian Keligion, and am not willing the
" initiating Sacrament of Baptifm fhould be long-
" er deferred ^ wherefore if you think it not fit
" to hear me nqw, you mult not take it amifs
" if I make all the halte I can to obtain the blef-
^^ fing of Baptifm, whereby I may be made a Mem-
'* ker of Cbriji, a Child of God, and an Inheritor
" of the Kingdom of Heaven. Then they again
d^fir'd us to withdraw *, ^nd when we came in,
they adyis'd me to follow their direSlions before
' given, and that they had nothing to add. So
we took our leaves of them •, and in my way
home, I agreed Mr. Innes fhould baptize me,
ivithout taking aqy more notice of the Confi-
But they, miftrufting vyhat we intended, went
to Bnga^^ktLauder (the Governour oiS/i/y/eJ^nd.
told him, that "* rmctMr, Innes is of a different
'■'' Communion from what is eftablifh'd in our
'• Country, he ought not to baptife the Convert.
The Brigadier reply 'd, " lamnoBifhop, neither
''will I meddle vi'iih Church- Affairs ^ however I
^' will fend for this Vormojdn, and if he willcon-
'' fenr, one of you (hall kq)tize him. Accord-
ingly
the Author's Con^verfion.
ingly I was fent for, and ask'd, whether I would
be baptizM by one of thefe Minifters ? I reply'd,
'■ Had I been converted by them, or if I intend-
^' ed ro be a Member of their Communion, then
" I would defire^ Baptifm from their Hands ^ but
" fince Mr. Innes was the only Guide to whom I
" ow'd my Converfion, I hop'd he might be al-
'^ low'd to baptize me. The^Dutcb Minifters an-
fwer'd, '^ You fay well, but the Laws of our
^' Country will not permit it. To which I re-
ply'd, " 'Tis true I don't underftand your Laws,
" but had the Jews of this place converted me
" to Judaiftn^ I can't think you would have cir-
^'' cumcis'd me. Thus finding they could not
prevail, th^y went away, telling Mr. Innes that
they would complain to i\i<Q States oi Holland.
A little while after came Deputies from the States
to view our Garifon and Fortification, then the
complin t was made, That Mr, Innes, a Minijier
of the Church of England, had taken the liberty
there to baptife a Yagan that he had converted :
But their Highneffes only fmil'd at the Com-
plaint.
In the mean while the Chaplain of our Re-
giment hearing of the conteft, thought to put an
end to if, by faying to the Brigadier, " Sir, I
^'' have one favour to beg of you, that you would
^' pleafe ro hinder your Chaplain from baptizing
" the Formofiin he has converted, for that privi-
" lege no Man can claim but my felf, becaufe I
" am Chaplain to the Regiment. My Captain
being prefent, reply'd, '' You are our Chap-
*' lain, and the Convert my Soldier, but fince (to
*^ your lliame) you never attempted to convert
" him, I fee no reafon why you (hould baptize
^* him. Upon this the Chaplain went in a pet
tp the CoUonelj. and defir'd him to imprifon me ^
why.
The Grounds of^ &c.
Why, anfwer'd the Collonel , what evil has he
done ? " None that I know of, reply'd the Chap-
lain, ^' but I would have him'fo confined that
" no body might fpeak to him but my felf, for
'' the Brigadier's Chaplain who converted him
" intends to baptife him, and that will be a re-
" proach to me. But my Collonel was fo far
from complying with his requeft, that he told
him, " He was an ignorant young Man, and
" knew not what he ask'd ^ for, fays he, I had
" much rather Mr. I/ines (hould baptife him than
" give offence to a new Convert by fuch fcanda-
" lous pra&ices.
So at lalt all obftacles being removed, by the
Grace of God I was by my gocd Guide baptized
about feven of the Clock in the Evening in the
Yrench Church, fome of our Officers, and fome
of the Burghers being prefent, the Honourable
Brigadier Lauder was my God-father, and defir'd
I might be chriftened by the name of George,
The next day I fer about writing the Grounds
and reafons of my Converfion to Chriftianity,
the Objeftions I made, and the convincing Solu-
tions I receiv'd from Mx.lnnes-^ I wrote fix Co-
pies, one I delivet'd to the Confiftory^ another to
my Honourable God-father, and the reft Idiftri-
buted to the moft learned Men thereabouts, that
I might fatisfie all that Country of my reafona-
ble Converfion to Chriftianity in general^ and to
the Church ^England in particular.
The Right Reverend and Right Honourable the
Lord Bijhop of London hearing of me, wrote to
Mr. Innes to bring me with him into England,^ in
order to fend me to the moft celebrated Univer-
iity oi' Oxford ; as foon as my good Guide made
this known, my God-father gave a Man out of
his own Company to fcrve in my room, and I
was
A Kecontmendatory Letter.
was difcharg'd •, the Officers and the Qonftjlory
giving me the following Teftimonium, the Origi-
nal any Man (hall fee that will give himfelf the
trouble to come to me.
NOus fou-fign^s cer-
tifions que George
VJalmanaazaar^ Natif
de Ville nomm^ la Belle
JJle dans la Japon^ le-
quel a fervi dans le Re-
giment de Bockguhall
pendant quelque terns,
s'eft converti a la Reli-
gion Chretienne, &: en
eft redevable aux foins
& aux inftruftions de
Monfieur Innes^ Aumo-
nier du Regiment de
Lauder •, Dieu aiant be-
nl fesjuftesdeffeins, le
dit George a renonce
ties fincerement aL'I-
dolatrie Pai'enne pour
croire en jfefus Chriji
noltre Redempteur.
Depuls la Converfion
il a vecu comme un bon
Chrecien doit vivre, ^
a edifie par fa bonne con-
duire tons ceux qui en
ont ^:6 temoins.
Nous done aiant re-
CODU en luiunedroiture
WE whofe Names
are underwrit-
ten^ do certifie ^ That
George Pfalmanaazaar,
a Native of the IJle cal-
led Formofa, near Ja-
pan, and who has for
fome time been a Soldier
in the Regiment ^/Buch-
wald, is now converted
to the Chriftian Religion
by the charitable care
and injiru&ion vf Mr.
Innes, Chaplain to the
Regiment of Lauder,
God having fo bleffed his
juft defigns ^ that the
faid George with all fin-
cerity hath renounced
his fagan Idolatry^ and
believed in Jefus Chrift
our Redeemer. «
And that fince his
Converfion he hath be-
haved himfelf like a
good Chriftian^ and that
his example has been e-
difying to all who have
feen him.
We then obferving his
Integrity , and tnany a-
de
A Recommendatory Letter.
de Coeur, ^'i beaucoupi ther of hi^ good ^ua/i-
d'autres qualites qui le ties^ think him worthy
rendent fecommanda- to be recommended to all
ble, prions tousles Gens good People^ and we
de bien de lui donner pray them to fuccour
les fecours dont il pour- and affift him in all his
ra a avoir befoin, dans necejfities^ hoping that
la Creance que nous a- he will always he a true
vonsqu'ilferade toutes Member of the Church
les manieres un digne ofChriJi-
Membre de TEglile de
Jefus Chrlft.
Fait aPEclufe, /e 25 Dated at Sluyfe the
deMaky 1705. 2^oiMay^i-jo^,
Sign'd and SeaFd by
iyBuchwiildS^o\\on6. G.L<?«ier,Brigadien
De Vandetiil^ Lieute- Abdias Hattinga.Mi-
nant-ColIonel. nifter of Slujfe, in
W. J. Warnfdorff^ the name of the
Major. Confijiory.
FINIS.
>'^
^
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